Showing posts with label SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON. Show all posts

Friday, September 7, 2012

SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON AND THE HAQQANI NETWORK'S DESIGNATION AS A TERRORIST ORGANIZATION


FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Report to Congress on the Haqqani Network
Press Statement
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
September 7, 2012
Today, I have sent a report to Congress saying that the Haqqani Network meets the statutory criteria of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) for designation as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). This action meets the requirements of the Haqqani Network Terrorist Designation Act of 2012 (P.L. 112-168). Based on that assessment, I notified Congress of my intent to designate the Haqqani Network as an FTO under the INA. I also intend to designate the organization as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist entity under Executive Order 13224.

The consequences of these designations include a prohibition against knowingly providing material support or resources to, or engaging in other transactions with, the Haqqani Network, and the freezing of all property and interests in property of the organization that are in the United States, or come within the United States, or the control of U.S. persons. These actions follow a series of other steps that the U.S. government already has taken against the Haqqanis. The Department of State previously designated key Haqqani Network leaders under E.O. 13224, and the Department of the Treasury has designated other militants with ties to the Haqqanis under the same authority. We also continue our robust campaign of diplomatic, military, and intelligence pressure on the network, demonstrating the United States’ resolve to degrade the organization’s ability to execute violent attacks.

I take this action in the context of our overall strategy in Afghanistan, the five lines of effort that President Obama laid out when he was in Afghanistan in May: increasing the capacity of Afghan security forces to fight insurgents; transitioning to Afghan security lead; building an enduring partnership with Afghanistan; pursuing Afghan-led reconciliation; and putting together an international consensus to support peace and stability in the region. We will continue to work with both Afghanistan and Pakistan to move these efforts forward and build a more peaceful and secure future.

Wednesday, August 15, 2012

SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON SENDS BEST WISHES ON REPUBLIC OF KOREA'S INDEPENDENCE DAY

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Republic of Korea Independence Day
Remarks
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
August 13, 2012
On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I am delighted to send best wishes to the people of the Republic of Korea as you celebrate the anniversary of your independence this August 15.
 
The United States and the Republic of Korea share a long history of friendship and cooperation based on common values and interests. From combating regional and global threats, to strengthening our economies, to enhancing people-to-people ties between our two nations, we are working together toward a better future for both our countries and the world.
 
As you celebrate this important day with family, friends, and loved ones, know that the United States stands with you as an ally and friend. To Korean people all over the world: I wish you the very best on this special day and in the year to come.

Tuesday, July 31, 2012

U.S. SEC. OF STATE CLINTON'S REMARKS ON 2011 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at the Release of the 2011 International Religious Freedom Report
Remarks
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Washington, DC
July 30, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, thank you very much, and it’s indeed a pleasure to join you here today to talk about an issue that shapes the lives of people worldwide as much as any other, religious freedom. And I want to thank Jessica Matthews not just for that introduction, but more importantly for her service of many years, but in particular her leadership as the president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Fifteen years ago, Jessica was writing about trends that were just then beginning to get people’s attention, like the rise of information technologies and the creation of global networks that existed outside governments. She said then that those changes would shape global events in ways both good and bad and that governments would have to adapt if they wanted to stay on top of global change. Well, she was certainly right about that. And indeed, I’ve worked to make the integration of new technologies and outreach to civil society groups and the private sector, diaspora communities, and other nongovernmental organizations a hallmark of my time as Secretary of State so that it’s not an afterthought, it’s not an add-on, but it is integrated into the work we do, because clearly the work we do will be influenced and affected by all of those non-state actors.

I want to acknowledge two people: Michael Posner, our Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, someone with whom I’ve had just the great privilege and honor of working so closely with over the last several years; and Suzan Johnson Cook, the U.S. Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom, someone who I’ve also had not only the privilege of working with in the State Department, but in one of my previous incarnations as a senator from New York. Chris Seiple and Bill Vendley, two of my top advisors from civil society on this issue, I’m grateful for their efforts; and all the representatives from Congress, from embassies, members of the Religion and Foreign Policy Working Group, and others who recognize and are committed to the importance of this issue and what it represents.

Now, earlier today, the State Department released its latest International Religious Freedom Report. It opens with the words that guide our work and the work of governments and individuals devoted to freedom of religion around the world. They are the words of Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And listen to those words again, because much of what I will say today is of course rooted in our Constitution, in our belief about the importance of the free exercise of religion. But it’s important to remember that these words were adopted by the international community, not just by the United States.

Here they are: Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. This right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance.

Now, these are clear and straightforward principles that bring people together in both heartfelt unity and furious disagreement. For the United States, of course, religious freedom is a cherished constitutional value, a strategic national interest, and a foreign policy priority.

It’s particularly urgent that we highlight religious freedom, because when we consider the global picture and ask whether religious freedom is expanding or shrinking, the answer is sobering. More than a billion people live under governments that systematically suppress religious freedom. New technologies have given repressive governments additional tools for cracking down on religious expression. Members of faith communities that have long been under pressure report that the pressure is rising. Even some countries that are making progress on expanding political freedom are frozen in place when it comes to religious freedom. So when it comes to this human right, this key feature of stable, secure, peaceful societies, the world is sliding backwards.

Meanwhile, several countries with diverse faith communities are now in the process of navigating transitions toward democracy. They are wrestling with questions of whether and how to protect religious freedom for their citizens. This goes from Tunisia to Burma and many places in between. But take, for example, Egypt, which I visited two weeks ago. I had a very emotional, very personal conversation with Christians who are deeply anxious about what the future holds for them and their country. What Egypt and other countries decide will have a major impact on the lives of their people and will go a long way toward determining whether these countries are able to achieve true democracy.

So this is an issue that transcends religious divides. All faiths everywhere have a stake in defending and expanding religious freedom. I personally feel very strongly about this, because I have seen firsthand how religious freedom is both an essential element of human dignity and of secure, thriving societies. It’s been statistically linked with economic development and democratic stability. And it creates a climate in which people from different religions can move beyond distrust and work together to solve their shared problems.

I’ve also seen how the opposite operates. The absence of religious freedom can create a climate of fear and suspicion that weakens social cohesion and alienates citizens from their leaders. And that, of course, can make it more difficult to achieve national progress. And because the impact of religious freedom extends beyond the realm of religion and has ramifications for a country’s security and its economic and political progress, more students and practitioners of foreign policy need to focus more time and attention on it.

Today, I want to make the case for religious freedom and why all people and all governments should support it. And I want to address directly the arguments that people who stand in the way of religious freedom use to try to justify their actions.

Let me start with what life is like for many who live without this freedom. In the harshest places, certain religions are banned completely, and a believer can be sentenced to death. Strict laws ban blasphemy and defamation of religion. And when your words are interpreted as violations of those laws, you can be sentenced to death. Violence toward religious minorities often goes unpunished by authorities who look the other way. So the message is clear: If your beliefs don’t have government approval, beware.

The same message is delivered by governments that seek the illusion of freedom by creating official state-sanctioned religious associations. They say, "Look, our people can practice whichever of these pre-approved faiths they choose." But if people are caught going outside these associations to form their own communities or receive instruction from their own religious leaders, they can be imprisoned.

Religious freedom is not just about religion. It’s not just about the right of Roman Catholics to organize a mass, or Muslims to hold a religious funeral, or Baha’is to meet in each others’ homes for prayer, or Jews to celebrate High Holy Days together – as important as those rituals are. Religious freedom is also about the right of people to think what they want, say what they think, and come together in fellowship without the state looking over their shoulder.

That’s why the free exercise of religion is the first freedom enshrined in our First Amendment, along with the freedoms to speak and associate. Because where religious freedom exists, so do the others. It’s also why the Universal Declaration of Human Rights protects freedom of thought, conscience, and religion – all three together – because they all speak to the same capacity within each and every human being to follow our conscience, to make moral choices for ourselves, our families, our communities.

These rights give our lives meaning and dignity, whatever religion we belong to, or if we belong to no religion at all. And like all human beings and all human rights, they are our birthright by the mere fact of us being who we are – thinking, acting human beings – men and women alike. They are not granted to us by any government. Rather, it is the responsibility of government to protect them.

Now, this, of course, is not the view held by regimes that block religious freedom. They choose to see things differently. In particular, there are two arguments they make to justify their actions. Both are worth examining.

The first is that only some people should be allowed to practice their faith – those who belong to the right faith. They define religion in such a way that if you do not believe what they want you to believe, then what you are doing is not practicing religion, because there is only one definition of religion. They, and only they and the religious leaders with whom they work, are in possession of the ultimate truth. Everyone else, including people of the same faith who diverge on some interpretation of religious law or tradition, are wrong, heretical, infidels, and they don’t deserve the protection of the law. They may not even deserve to live.

Because this is an issue that inflames emotions, it can be hard to talk about it constructively. You can’t debate someone who believes that anyone who disagrees with him by definition disagrees with God. So let me simply say this:

People can believe that they and only those like them possess the one and only truth. That’s their right. Though they do not have the right to harm those they think harbor incorrect views. But their societies pay a cost when they choose to look at others with hate or disgust. Human rights become real not only in interactions between citizens and their governments, but also in those millions of ordinary moments among neighbors and classmates, coworkers, even strangers on the street. Every time people choose tolerance and respect over fear and animosity, they strengthen human rights for themselves as well as everyone else, because they affirm their shared humanity. That’s how religious freedom inscribed in law becomes religious harmony flourishing throughout a society.

Now religious leaders have a critical role to play in this process. And we need them to encourage their followers to embrace the principles of peace and respect, which are not only tenets of nearly every religion but also at the heart of religious freedom. And then, most importantly, we need leaders to affirm that respecting the religious freedom of others is in keeping with – not in opposition to – one’s own rights. When people of all religions can practice freely, it creates an environment in which everyone’s freedom is more secure.

Leaders and governments, meanwhile, have their own responsibilities. People can think what they want, but governments have to act in favor of protecting the rights of all. The world should and must hold governments to a different standard than individuals. Whether they are secular or religious, Muslim or Christian or Hindu or officially atheistic or anything else, governments have solemn obligations to protect the human rights of all citizens, no matter what religions they believe or don’t believe.

Now some leaders try to excuse treating some citizens differently than others by saying, "But that’s what the people want." They say they personally believe in religious freedom, but if a majority of citizens want to see a group locked up or thrown out of schools or fired from their jobs, well, doesn’t democracy mean following the will of the people?

Well the answer to that is there’s a big difference between democracy and the tyranny of the majority. The liberty that democracy provides does not include the freedom to do violence to the equality of all citizens before the law. That’s why universal rights are often embedded in constitutions. They provide guardrails against laws that deprive members of minority groups of their rights. When popular opinion supports restricting the rights of a minority, leaders should remember that they owe their people both their loyalty and their judgment. Leaders should lead, and remind citizens that when rights apply only to some citizens and not to others – that is, when principles are subverted to power – that sows the seeds for legitimate grievances and instability. Genuine democracies use principles to guide power and to protect the rights of citizens equally.

The second argument leaders who oppose religious freedom make is that freedom is a luxury they just can’t afford – not yet, anyway. If laws restricting religious practice and expression were lifted, they argue the result would be instability: a rise in anti-government sentiment, the fraying of social ties, more acts of vandalism, harassment, and violence. Now this, by the way, is the same argument that leaders invoke to justify clamping down on political expression, press freedom, or civil society groups, or any activities that question the status quo and reflect their citizens’ democratic aspirations.

But in fact, long practice and even academic studies show that it is the absence of religious freedom that is correlated with religious conflict and violent extremism. There is also evidence that conflict is more likely when states have official religions and persecute religious minorities.

That makes sense if you think about it. When people are treated as equal under the law, hostilities among neighbors subside, and social unity has a chance to grow. And so does trust in the democratic process, because people are confident that their rights will be protected no matter who is in power.

In other words, religious freedom is one of those safety valves. It lets people have a say over important aspects of their lives, join their societies fully, and channel their frustrations into constructive outlets. When governments clamp down on religious freedom, they close those safety valves. The result can be humiliation, discontent, despair that has nowhere to go – a recipe for conflict and extremism.

Now some governments are coming to realize this. For example, in Libya since the overthrow of Qadhafi, the new government has chosen not to enforce some of his laws that restricted religious activity, and they’ve enshrined the free practice of religion in their interim constitution and outlawed discrimination on the basis of religion or sect. And earlier this year, the Libyan Supreme Court overturned a law that criminalized insults against Islam, because they have come to believe that the best way to deal with offensive speech is not to ban it, but to counter it with more speech that reveals the emptiness of the insults and the lies.

Now meanwhile, Egypt is grappling with these challenges as it navigates its unprecedented democratic transition. And during my recent visit, I met with members of the new government, including President Morsi, and representatives from Egypt’s Christian communities. Religious freedom was very present behind closed doors and out in the streets. President Morsi has said clearly and repeatedly, in public and private, that he intends to be the president of all the Egyptian people. He has pledged to appoint an inclusive government and put women and Christians in high leadership positions. The Egyptian people and the international community are looking to him to follow through on those commitments.

But I heard from Christians who want to know that they will be accorded the same rights and respect as all Egyptians in a new government led by an Islamist party. They wonder, understandably, will a government looking explicitly to greater reliance on Islamic principles stand up for non-Muslims and Muslims equally? Since this is the first time that Egypt has ever been in this situation, it’s a fair question. Egyptians are building a brand new democracy. What it will look like, how it will work, how it will handle religious pluralism – Egyptians will be writing the answers to those and many other questions for years to come.

As I told the Christians with whom I met, the United States does not take the side of one political party over another. What we do is stand firmly on the side of principles. Yes, we do support democracy – real democracy, where every citizen has the right to live, work, and worship how they choose, whether they be Muslim or Christian or from any other background; where no group or faction can impose their authority or their ideology or their religion on anyone else; where there is healthy competition, and what we call checks and balances, so no one institution or leader gets too powerful and the rights of all citizens are respected and protected.

The Egyptian people will look to their elected leaders to protect the rights of all citizens and to govern in a fair and inclusive manner, and so will we. And if voters make different choices in future elections, then they and we will expect their leaders to respond to the will of the people and give up power. We are prepared to work with the leaders that the Egyptian people choose. But our engagement with those leaders will be based on their commitment to universal human rights and universal democratic principles.

Another important aspect of Egypt’s transition is whether citizens themselves respect each other’s differences. Now we saw that capacity vividly in Tahrir Square, when Christians formed a circle around Muslims in prayer, and Muslims clasped hands to protect Christians celebrating a mass. I think that spirit of unity and fellowship was a very moving part of how Egyptians and all the rest of us responded to what happened in those days in that square. And if, in the years ahead, if Egyptians continue to protect that precious recognition of what every single Egyptian can contribute to the future of their country, where people of different faiths will be standing together in fellowship, then they can bring hope and healing to many communities in Egypt who need that message.

As we look to the future – not only in Egypt, not only in the newly free and democratically seeking states of North Africa and the Middle East, but far beyond – we will continue to advocate strongly for religious freedom. This is a bedrock priority of our foreign policy, one that we carry out in a number of ways.

Earlier today, the United States did release our annual International Religious Freedom Report. This is the fourth time I’ve had the honor of presenting it. It comprehensively catalogues the official and societal restrictions people around the world face as they try to practice their faith, and it designates Countries of Particular Concern that have engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom. This report sends a signal to the worst offenders that the world is watching, but it also provides information to help us and others target our advocacy, to make sure we reach the people who most need our help.

In the Obama Administration, we’ve elevated religious freedom as a diplomatic priority. Together with governments, international organizations, and civil society, we have worked to shape and implement United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution 16/18, which seeks to protect people under attack or discriminated against because of their faith. We raise these issues at the highest levels in international settings; I personally have discussed religious freedom in every region of the world, sometimes over and over again. We’ve appointed our first envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. We’ve launched a strategic dialogue with civil society, in which we collaborate with religious leaders and their communities to promote religious freedom, conflict prevention and mitigation, development, and inter-religious dialogue. It includes a Religion and Foreign Policy Working Group that has provided concrete recommendations on how we can strengthen our approach to religious freedom and engagement with religious communities.

Beyond diplomacy, we expanded our assistance to individuals under attack because of their religious beliefs and to human rights activists working in hostile environments to promote religious freedom. These men and women are doing vital, often dangerous work with great courage, and we are proud to stand with them.

As part of our human rights dialogue with China, for example, we’ve taken Chinese officials on site visits to see how religious organizations in our country provide valuable social services. We organized a visit to a Catholic charity that provides help to people with intellectual disabilities, an organization that fights discrimination against Arab-Americans, and more.

We’re also taking the message of tolerance and inclusion to young people. A few years ago, Hannah Rosenthal, our Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, and Farah Pandith, our Special Representative to Muslim communities, attended an OSCE tolerance summit together, and they came away with an idea. They began asking young people to pledge to spend one just hour working with people who don’t look like them or pray like them. Jews were encouraged to volunteer to clean a mosque, Muslims to volunteer to help elderly Christians get to church, and many other examples. The campaign, now called 2012 Hours Against Hate, has elicited commitments from young people around the world to spend tens of thousands of hours walking in someone else’s shoes. It’s even become one of the London Olympics’ official initiatives.

And that’s something we all have a responsibility to do. Seven years ago when I was a Senator, I spoke at a dinner on religious liberty, and I challenged everyone there to think of ways that we could personally further religious freedom, including, in the words of Eleanor Roosevelt, in "those small places, close to home." I said that it was up to each of us to ensure that our nation, which has always been an exemplar of religious freedom, continues to be.

Our mission is as important today as it has ever been.

The United States was founded, amongst others, by people fleeing religious persecution who dreamed of a place where they could live according to their beliefs, without fear, without shame, without the need to hide. And today, we are that place. With all of our challenges, there is no doubting the importance of religion to the vast majority of Americans or to the fact that people of all faiths and people of no faith live in America openly and at peace with each other. The religious life of our nation is vibrant and alive. And that has been possible because of our citizens’ capacity over time for tolerance and respect, but also because of the work of our government, all three branches, to uphold our Constitution, to take extraordinary care not to favor one religion over another, and to protect equally the rights of all.

This has required perpetual vigilance and effort, and we all know there have been clashes and stumbles and vigorous impassioned debate along the way. We are still searching for and moving toward that more perfect union. Of course, we, like any non-divine entity, are not perfect. But we should be proud and grateful for the wisdom of our founders and for the diligence of those who came after to protect this essential freedom. It is rare in this world. But it shouldn’t be.

Because people aren’t asking for much. They just want to worship their god and raise their children and make their homes and honor their ancestors and mourn their loved ones in a way that speaks to their hearts and reflects their beliefs. What could be more fundamental to human dignity than that?

That is what religious freedom makes possible. And that is why the United States will also stand for the value, the principle that religious freedom represents, not only for us but for people everywhere. It is not only a value that we enshrined in our constitution, but we know from long experience it goes right to the heart of the stability and security of so many countries in the world. And in this interconnected world we live in, that means it affects the security and stability of the United States of America. So thank you for understanding the importance of this value and principle, and I hope for seeking ways that we all can continue to further it, to protect it, and to spread it.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Now, I think we will maybe take a few questions, Jessica. Okay. Well, in no particular order, this lady right there.

QUESTION: Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: And here comes a microphone.

QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you so much, Madam Secretary, for what you do in the world and for our United States. My name is Samia Harris, and I’m Egyptian American, and thank you very much for caring about Egypt. I’m the founder of Democracy for Egypt, and so my question to you, Madam, is: It’s not only the Christians that are worried in Eygpt; the liberals are, too. And I don’t know if you have read the last report from Al-Jama’iyya al-Wataniyya lit-Taghyir, that – the change for Egypt, it really is asking President Morsi right now that he is not delivering what he promised in forming the new government. And you have mentioned that you will be observing closely, and there will be steps to be taken, if you can enlighten us on what’s next. Thank you so much for your effort.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, thank you. And let me start by saying that I do recognize that a democratic transition is a complicated one for any country. And in all humility, it took us quite some time to get it right, to include all of our citizens, starting with African Americans and women, and to really fulfill not only the letter of our Constitution but the aspirations of our people. So as I monitor what is happening in Egypt, I am conscious of how challenging it is to get off on the right footing, to be absolutely clear what your principles and values are.

And as you’re aware, there was certainly a very concerted effort by the President and the Freedom and Justice Party and others associated with it, including the Muslim Brotherhood, to make commitments about the kind of inclusivity that the government would represent, the respect that all Egyptians would be held in, and the protection of the rights of all Egyptians. Now we are waiting to see how that gets translated into action.

And we are certainly aware of the forming of the new government, with the announcement of a new Prime Minister. We’re waiting to see who’s in that government. That will be an important step along the way. We are looking for ways to try to support the government, particularly in fulfilling the economic aspirations of all Egyptians. But we are going to judge by actions, not words. And the actions are really just at the very beginning stages.

I think it’s important to make absolutely clear to everyone that we are not supporting any individual party or any individual. There seems to be a view on the part of some that we are. But that is not the case, never has been the case. We have supported a transition that we hope does lead to a democracy, which, as we have made clear, is not just about elections. I think there were mistakes in the past in some of the ways that we shorthanded our support for democracy in our country, that people thought, okay, let’s have an election, then we’re a democracy and maybe we never have to have another one. One election, one time, and that’s it; we don’t have to be held to any standard about how we actually continue to reach out and include people and respect people. And I’ve tried to make it very clear that that is not the case, that an election is not a democracy make.

So we’re emphasizing the independence of the press, the freedom of expression, freedom of religion, respect for minorities. The kinds of things that we have learned over many years of practice now are what sustains a democracy. And we’re hoping that as Egypt adopts a new constitution, as it votes again for a parliament, as its government takes office, we will see a recognition, a commitment to what we view as essential for democracy to be sustainable.

Now, I am concerned that respect for religious freedom is quite tenuous. And I don’t know that that’s going to quickly be resolved, but since 2011 and the fall of the Mubarak regime, sectarian violence has increased. Attacks on Christians and Muslims, sectarian violence from – in both communities has cost lives, and we don’t think that there’s been a consistent commitment to investigate and to apply the laws equally to the perpetrators of such violence. That then sends a message to the minority community in particular but to the larger community that there’s not going to be any consequences for acting out one’s own religious prejudices or social insecurities. And that’s the kind of recipe that can quickly get out of control in terms of conflict and also undermine the new democracy.

So I am urging the Egyptian Government at all levels to respect the rights of all Egyptians. And I’m urging those who are concerned, not only Christians but also moderates, liberals, secularists, to organize themselves. I mean, this is something that I started talking to the Tahrir Square veterans about shortly after the fall of Mubarak, that it’s been my experience that when democratic space opens up, when freedom opens up in authoritarian regimes falling, those who are unorganized will not be successful. How’s that for a profound statement? (Laughter.) But all too often, people who are in the moderate, liberal world don’t have the same commitment to organization and follow-through that those whose beliefs are so certain that they know exactly what they’re going to try to achieve.

So there is the religious dimension, the constitutional inclusivity dimension, but there’s also the political dimension, that in a democracy you have to get out there and work to elect people who represent your views. And otherwise, you are going to be sidelined. So it is my hope that as we judge Egypt’s leaders by their actions, that Egyptian activists really get more focused on how to influence the government themselves. And I know this is a long haul, but that’s the way democracy works. It doesn’t happen overnight.

Oh my goodness. (Laughter.) I don’t know. Jessica, you should be calling on these people. I think – you know. This young man right there in the middle. Yes, sir. In the striped shirt.

QUESTION: (Inaudible). It’s very lucky to see you here.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you.

QUESTION: Religion is sometimes mixed with some other issues like terrorism and separatism. And the terrorists and the separatists usually takes religion as a tool to mobilize supporters. So how to balance the dilemma of protecting religion, religious freedom, and counterterrorism as well as counter-separatism? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: That’s an important question, because oftentimes when we talk about religious freedom, there is a tendency for people to worry about the free exercise of religion is somehow supporting terrorists and separatists.

I have almost the opposite view. I think the more respect there is for the freedom of religion, the more people will useful ways to participate in their societies. If they feel suppressed, if there is not that safety valve that they can exercise their own religion, they then oftentimes feel such anger, despair that they turn to violence. They become extremists.

Now, there will always be people in nearly every society who are going to believe that God is talking right to them and saying, what you really need to do is overthrow the government. What you really need to do is to kill the unbelievers. What you really – there will be people like that. But we’re talking about organizing society for the vast majority of people, having people who exercise their religious beliefs lawfully protected by the law, and people who engage in violence, harassment, intimidation, or other antisocial, criminal behavior punished by the law.

But one should not be punished or harassed merely because of who one is or what one believes unless there are actions associated with that. And that often is the difficult rub in many areas when we talk about religious freedom. And it’s not just religions against one another, it’s even within religions – within Christianity, within Judaism, within Islam, within Hinduism – there are people who believe their version of that religion is the only right way to believe.

And so, in some of the countries we are most concerned about that are majority Muslim countries, it’s the intimidation and violence against Muslims who are in minority sects that we most worry about. We watched for many years the conflict in Northern Ireland against Catholics on the one side, Protestants on the other. So I think you’re right that there always are issues about terrorism, about separatism, but those should be dealt with under the law without infringing on the rights of people whose religious believes are different from the majority. So I hope that governments can begin to make those distinctions.

And it’s not only important to do because you don’t want to breed extremism, which you can do by cracking down on religion, especially if it’s associated with a different ethnic group or a tribal group, other identifying characteristics. But it’s also because if you’re not careful, people will feel that they are in a life or death struggle to protect their religion in the majority against the minority.

I remember going to Bosnia after the end of the war in Bosnia, and a woman telling me that she couldn’t believe the hostility she started to feel from her neighbors. And she said to a neighbor, "Why are you behaving like this? We’ve known each other for many years; we went to school together. We went to weddings, we buried our dead together. Why are you treating me like this?" And the answer was: "Because we were told, if we didn’t do that to you first, you would do it to us."

So if the government doesn’t step in and say no, we’re not going to let people be acting this way, we’re not going to let them be discriminating, we’re not going to let them be harming others on the basis of religion or any other characteristic, but focusing on religion, it can get out of control of any government. And then, unfortunately, as we know, governments can sometimes stoke religious discrimination for their own political reasons. You got problems at home, the economy’s not doing so well, let’s find an enemy, and let’s go find those people over there. They’re a different religion, and that gets everybody excited. And then you can light a match and you can’t put the fire out.

So I think that we need to be very thoughtful in separating out the problems posed by extremism – no matter where they’re coming from – and terrorism, from legitimate religious differences that should be tolerated, respected, and protected.

MS. MATTHEWS: We have time for just one more. And may I ask you, when Secretary Clinton (inaudible).

SECRETARY CLINTON: Jessica, why don’t you call on the last person? (Laughter.)

MS. MATTHEWS: (Inaudible) one in the back.

QUESTION: Thank you, Secretary Clinton. I’m Randa Fahmy Hudome. I am serving as general counsel of the American-Egyptian Strategic Alliance. We’re a new lobbying organization working to bring together Egypt and the United States in a stronger alliance.

One of the issues we’ve been talking to the new Egyptian Government about is this issue of religious freedom. And we’ve told them, "Look to your left," meaning to places like Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine, where Muslims and Christians – particularly in Palestine – have lived in peace for centuries. And so I’m wondering if your conversations touched upon that; look to your fellow Arab countries where this is not a problem, frankly.

And then just a quick follow-up question: I appreciate your emphasis on America, but we also have our problems here with respect to, of course, Islamophobia, which I’m sure you’re very aware of. And I’m wondering whether you have any comments about this recent activity in Congress targeting one of your own aides.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, as to the first question, I think it is important to look at the historical precedents. But there’s also been a lot of disturbing recent developments with Christians being attacked and driven out of Iraq, Christians in Syria feeling like they are really going to be at risk almost regardless of what develops in the terrible conflict that is now raging, Christians feeling that they’re under pressure in lots of places in the Middle East, where, as you rightly say, they have lived for centuries side by side. And I think it’s quite important for us to unpack that. Why is it happening now? What is it? And of course, it’s a new political identity. It’s an effort by Islamists, primarily but not exclusively, to claim democracy but trying to figure out how it fits with their preexisting frameworks of belief.

So there is a lot of tension and concern going on right now across the Arab world, particularly in places where Christians have lived and would love to continue living. And as several Christians in Egypt told me, "Our people have been here. I can trace my family back 2,000 years. I love this country. I want to be a part of this country. I want to help build this country. I just hope I’m going to be able to."

So it’s at this point that leadership is incredibly important. Leaders have to be active in stepping in and sending messages about protecting the diversity within their countries. And frankly, I don’t see enough of that, and I want to see more of it. I want to see more of it, and we did see some of that in our own country. We saw Republicans stepping up and standing up against the kind of assaults that really have no place in our politics.

So we have to set an example. There’s no doubt about that. And we have to continue doing so. But we also have to expect other leaders to do the same. And when I think about how scared so many minorities – religious minorities – are all over the world, and governments are not – I mean, I believe that governments have a bigger role to play and more leverage than they exercise. I think too many governments – particularly in these fast-transitioning societies where there’s so much going on at the same time – too many governments believe that religious freedom is something you get to after you deal with everything else; it’s just not a priority for them.

And we want to raise it up on the visibility list of what they need to be dealing with, and to try to send a clear message: You need to stand up for the rights of all your people. You are now a leader of a diverse society. If you’re in Iraq, you need to be protecting every community, not just one or maybe two at the most. If you’re in Lebanon, you need to be standing up for the rights of everyone in the community, every confession. And similarly in Egypt or Pakistan or Indonesia or China or India or anywhere, leaders need to be out front saying that, and then acting on it.

So I’m hoping that we will see more actions that move in that direction. And the United States will continue to try to push and prod and persuade and then, if necessary, look at ways to use consequences that can send a very clear message that we believe that you will not be successful, you will not be stable, you will not be secure, and you will certainly not have a sustainable democracy.

Let me add one other thought about this, though. I think in some societies where we’re seeing – to go back to the young man’s question – terrorism, extremism and religion, there can also be fertile ground out of which that grows if a government is not paying attention to the needs of all of its people. So it’s not just we respect your right to exercise your religion, but we also are going to have policies that if you’re living in Northern Nigeria, you’re going to see more development, so that you can not only take on Boko Haram on the security front, but you take it on on the economic development front. There are lots of ways to try to knit this together. And it is probably the most exciting time but the most daunting time to be a leader in the world right now, especially in these new transitioning democracies, because there is just so many high expectations that will be so difficult to meet.

So stand for principles, stand for values, gain people’s trust that you’re trying to help their lives improve, and you’re going to leave to them the space they should have to exercise the most precious freedoms that any human being should have regardless of who their leaders are, and begin to make that case. And the United States will stand ready to assist in any way possible.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Monday, July 9, 2012

SEC. OF STATE CLINTON SPEECH AT TOKYO CONFERENCE ON AFGHANISTAN


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Intervention at the Tokyo Conference on Afghanistan
Remarks Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Prince Park Tower Hotel
Tokyo, Japan
July 8, 2012
Thank you, Foreign Minister Gemba. We also thank Prime Minister Noda, Madam Ogata, and the Japanese Government not only for welcoming us here but for the great generosity and leadership Japan continues to show in helping Afghanistan move forward into the transformation decade. We also recognize Secretary General Ban, President Karzai, our Afghan Co-chairs Foreign Minister Rassoul and Finance Minister Zakhilwal, along with representatives of Afghanistan’s civil society who are here, because after all, what we are talking about is the future of the men, women, and children of Afghanistan. And I am delighted they are part of this conference.

I also want to commend all who have produced the three principles of the document, starting with the Afghanistan strategic vision for the transformation decade called Towards Self-Reliance. I really compliment our Afghan friends for an excellent job. And then the Tokyo Declaration and the Tokyo Mutual Accountability Framework are translating our goals and our commitments into a path that we can follow together and help hold each other accountable.

This conference represents the culmination of nearly two years of intensive work. Beginning in 2010 in Lisbon, continuing in Istanbul last fall, Bonn in December, Chicago in May, and Kabul just a few weeks ago, Afghanistan and the international partners have charted a responsible end to the war and the transfer of full responsibility for security back to Afghanistan.

Together, we have made pledges to meet the needs of the Afghan National Security Forces. Like a number of countries represented here, the United States and Afghanistan signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement that went into effect four days ago. And I was pleased to meet with President Karzai in Kabul yesterday morning, where I announced that Afghanistan is now officially designated a major non-NATO ally of the United States. As President Karzai said, we have to make the security gains and the transition irreversible, and the United States is committed to this enduring partnership.

Now, here in Tokyo we are focused on the economic development and governance advances that we hope to make together. Because we know Afghanistan’s security cannot only be measured by the absence of war; it has to be measured by whether people have jobs and economic opportunity, whether they believe their government is serving their needs, whether political reconciliation proceeds and succeeds.

And Afghanistan has made substantial progress with the help of the international community, as Madame Ogata and others have already outlined. But now we have to ensure the strongest possible collaboration among four groups so that this decade of transformation can produce results: the Afghan Government and people, first and foremost; the international community; Afghanistan’s neighbors; and the private sector. This collaboration depends on mutual accountability, and all sides have work to do and responsibilities to uphold.

As President Obama has said, as Afghanistan stands up, it will not stand alone. Let me speak briefly about each group’s role.

Obviously, the future of Afghanistan belongs to its government and its people. And I welcome the clear vision presented by President Karzai and the Afghan Government today for unlocking Afghanistan’s economic potential by achieving a stable democratic future. That must include fighting corruption, improving governance, strengthening the rule of law, increasing access to economic opportunity for all Afghans, especially for women.

On this point, let me emphasize that the United States believes strongly that no nation can achieve sustainable peace, reconciliation, stability, and economic growth if half the population is not empowered. All citizens need to have the chance to benefit from and contribute to Afghanistan’s progress, and the United States will continue to stand strongly by the women of Afghanistan.

President Karzai has made a strong public commitment to stamping out corruption, implementing key reforms, and building Afghanistan’s institutions. We will support him and the government in that endeavor to enable Afghanistan to move toward self-reliance and away from dependence on donor assistance.

As Afghans do their part, the international community must do ours, by making concrete pledges of economic support to ensure that Afghanistan meets its fiscal needs in the critical post-transition period.

I am very pleased that Prime Minister Noda has confirmed that $16 billion is available from the international community through 2015. This is sustained economic support that will help Afghanistan meet its fiscal needs even as assistance declines. The United States will request from our Congress assistance for Afghanistan at or near the levels of the past decade through the year 2017. And our assistance will create incentives to help the Afghan Government meet mutually agreed reform goals.

In addition to the international community, Afghanistan’s neighbors have an especially key role to play. I’ve spoken before of the vision of a New Silk Road in which Afghanistan is firmly embedded in the economic life of a thriving South and Central Asia. Nothing offers a more credible alternative to insurgency than the jobs and opportunities that come with foreign investment and the expansion of markets. Increasing regional trade will open up new sources of raw materials, energy, and agricultural products—not just for Afghanistan but for all nations in the region. And we are delighted to see this vision coming to light through the Istanbul Process and various regional trade and transit agreements.

The last essential ingredient to a successful economic transition and transformation is the private sector, because that will be key for driving growth, creating jobs, and supporting the kind of reform that needs to be sustainable. We look to the Afghan Government to follow through on their reform commitments, and we look to the international community to do what we can to draw business and investment to Afghanistan. Last month in new Delhi, in anticipation of today’s conference, hundreds of companies attended an investment summit.

So the key pieces are there. The private sector interest is there. The Afghan Government’s commitment to fight corruption and strengthen the rule of law is there. The international community’s support, as evidenced by this conference, is there as well. And the growing partnership between Afghanistan and its neighbors is also growing.

We need to put those commitments together in order to achieve the future that is worthy of the sacrifice of the Afghan people and many nations represented around this table. The future has got to be what the Afghan people have forged for themselves, and we need to make sure that we do everything to make that a reality.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Wednesday, July 4, 2012

VIRTUAL STUDENT FOREIGN SERVICE eINTERNSHIPS


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
U.S. College Students Can Apply Now for Virtual Student Foreign Service eInternships
Media Note Office of the Spokesperson Washington, DC
July 3, 2012

In 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced the Virtual Student Foreign Service (VSFS) program as part of the 21st Century Statecraft Initiative. VSFS enables smart, technologically savvy young people to work remotely from their schools, dorm rooms, and homes to support U.S. Department of State and U.S. Agency for International Development’s (USAID) domestic offices and overseas U.S. diplomatic posts. The VSFS program connects posts and offices interested in dynamic new forms of diplomatic engagement, with American students eager to understand and assist U.S. foreign policy goals.

The VSFS program has seen enormous growth since it was first announced. In Winter 2010 through Spring 2011, there were 54 VSFS projects and 91 eInternship positions available for students. In the 2011-2012 program, there were 121 projects with 209 positions available. For the 2012-2013 program, there are 177 projects total, with more than 313 eInternship spots open in a wide range of areas. The competitiveness of the program has only increased, however, and with last year’s applicant pool reaching well above 1,400, it is anticipated that the 2012-2013 VSFS eInternship program will be more selective than ever. This year, accepted students will assist posts and offices in countries all around the world with research, coding, graphic design, video creation and editing, statistical analysis, and social media outreach projects. Selected students could be assisting research on women's empowerment in the food security sector in Zimbabwe, connecting with Russian or Malaysian students to help them succeed in the American educational system, or fighting for press freedom by keeping track of violence against journalists.

Because they work remotely, students who may not have been able to take on a physical internship because of financial or time constraints can still participate. The eInternships last nine months, and typically require ten hours of work per week, though the time commitment may vary depending on post or project. U.S. citizen college students interested in applying for a VSFS eInternship position for the Fall 2012 through Spring 2013 academic year may apply on USA Jobsstarting July 2 and ending on July 20. Students can view the projects and learn more about the program at:www.state.gov/vsfs and http://www.facebook.com/usdos.vsfs. VSFS eInternship applications for the 2012-2013 program are available on www.usajobs.gov from July 2 to July 20. The vacancy announcement can be found through this direct link.

Tuesday, June 12, 2012

U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON CONCERNED ABOUT ETHNIC/SECTARIAN VIOLENCE IN BURMA


Photo:  Recent Trip, Secretary Clinton with Burmese Ethnic Minority Representatives.  Credit:  U.S. State Department.

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

Violence in Burma's Rakhine State

Press Statement
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
June 11, 2012
The United States continues to be deeply concerned about reports of ongoing ethnic and sectarian violence in western Burma’s Rakhine State and urges all parties to exercise restraint and immediately halt all attacks. The Burmese Government has announced a State of Emergency and curfews in Rakhine State, but reports of violence continue.

We join others in the international community and call on authorities to work with local leaders—together with Muslim, Buddhist, and ethnic representatives, including Rohingya—to halt the on-going violence, begin a dialogue toward a peaceful resolution, and ensure an expeditious and transparent investigation into these incidents that respects due process and the rule of law.

The United States has welcomed Burma’s recent reform efforts and the important steps President Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, and other leaders inside and outside of government have taken. The situation in Rakhine State underscores the critical need for mutual respect among all ethnic and religious groups and for serious efforts to achieve national reconciliation in Burma. We urge the people of Burma to work together toward a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic country that respects the rights of all its diverse peoples.

Wednesday, May 30, 2012

U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON MEETS WITH MIDDLE EAST DEMOCRACY ACTIVISTS


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Meeting With Visiting Middle East Democracy Activists
Remarks Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Treaty Room
Washington, DC
May 29, 2012
SECRETARY CLINTON: Hello.

PARTICIPANT: Hello.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Welcome. Welcome. We are so pleased to have you here, and I know many of you were able to come to the Civil Society Dialogue.

PARTICIPANT: Yes.

SECRETARY CLINTON: And we just want to continue encouraging you, supporting you where we can in your efforts to stand up for democracy – real democracy – and the human rights of every human being, and to help advance the cause of progress and freedom every way that you are already doing so. And we’re very proud of what you are doing. And we know it’s not an easy path to be on, but history has, I think, shown time and time again that you are on the right side of history. So thank you, all.

PARTICIPANT: Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Lots of pictures and cameras. (Laughter.) That’s it? Good.
Well, I know too that you have been meeting with a lot of people. Has it been a good experience for you?

PARTICIPANT: Yes, it was a very good – yeah.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Good. And I hope that as part of your dialogue with all of our team, you’ll give us your very honest assessments about what we can do, what we should not do, what the best ways to try to support you are, what works, what doesn’t work, because we admire greatly not only what you’re doing, but what your countries are trying to do. And I often remind my own fellow Americans that it took us a long time to try to make sure we dealt with all of the issues – our Constitution enshrined slavery and we had to overcome that; it eliminated the right for women to vote and we had to overcome that.

So it’s not like we are telling you that it’s easy for us, because it’s been challenging. But we have the luxury of doing it during 200 years of history where the whole world was not watching everything you did and said. I mean, you are, in a way, in a much more challenging environment because of the media and technology that now has an opinion about everything and can be used for the betterment of human society or for the undermining of progress.

So we know how hard this is, just on the merits because of our own experience. And we know that it is even more challenging in today’s world. So we want to learn from you. We think we have some ideas to offer, some help to provide, but we really want to learn from you. So please take that invitation. Don’t be shy about that.


Monday, May 21, 2012

SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON TALKS TOUGH REGARDING BURMA



Photo:  Burma,  Secretary of State Clinton with Aung San Suu Kyi.  Credit:  File Photo By U.S. State Department. 
FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Readout of Secretary Clinton's Call with Aung San Suu Kyi
Media NoteOffice of the SpokespersonWashington, DC
May 21, 2012
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton called Aung San Suu Kyi last night to review developments in Burma and to discuss the recent U.S. decision regarding sanctions. They talked about the need for specific steps to promote responsible, transparent investment, empower reformers, and target abusers. They agreed that the important progress of the past several months remains fragile and that the international community needs to help protect against backsliding. In this regard, the Secretary assured Aung San Suu Kyi that the United States is keeping its sanctions authorities in place as an insurance policy. Finally, they also discussed the urgent need for progress in resolving the ethnic conflicts and ending human rights abuses in the ethnic areas. They agreed to remain in close touch.


Wednesday, May 2, 2012

PRESS STATEMENT FROM SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON ON CHEN GUANGCHENG


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Chen Guangcheng
Press Statement Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Washington, DC
May 2, 2012
I am pleased that we were able to facilitate Chen Guangcheng’s stay and departure from the U.S. embassy in a way that reflected his choices and our values. I was glad to have the chance to speak with him today and to congratulate him on being reunited with his wife and children.

Mr. Chen has a number of understandings with the Chinese government about his future, including the opportunity to pursue higher education in a safe environment. Making these commitments a reality is the next crucial task. The United States government and the American people are committed to remaining engaged with Mr. Chen and his family in the days, weeks, and years ahead.

Tuesday, May 1, 2012

SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON EXPRESSES CONCERN OVER UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PRISONERS


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Treatment of Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko
Press Statement Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Washington, DC
May 1, 2012
The United States is deeply concerned by the treatment of former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and other imprisoned members of her former government. The photographs of Mrs. Tymoshenko released by the Ukrainian Human Rights Ombudsman further call into question the conditions of her confinement. We urge the Ukrainian authorities to ensure that Mrs. Tymoshenko receives immediate medical assistance in an appropriate facility and request that the U.S. Ambassador be given access to her. We continue to call for her release, the release of other members of her former government and the restoration of their full civil and political rights

Wednesday, April 25, 2012

SEC. OF STATE CLINTON'S REMARKS AT TIME 100 GALA


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at the TIME 100 Gala
Remarks Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Lincoln Center
New York, NY
April 24, 2012
Thank you very much. Thank you all. Thank you and welcome to my announcement to run for president of Malta. (Laughter.) I am so delighted to be here in New York in the United States of America at this event, and I want to thank Rick Stengel and everyone at TIME for bringing together this remarkable group of people and for including me as well. Truth be told, as Richard just mentioned, I did invite him to travel with me to all those countries, including Libya, just after the revolution, and it was, frankly, a transparent ploy to make the TIME 100 list. (Laughter.) So if you ever want to make the list again, or for the first time, just follow that example.

We’re here in the greatest city in the world, and I’m delighted that TIME has included two of the newest residents: Jeremy Lin and Tim Tebow. And for both of them, I’m sure they will have already discovered what a welcoming, exciting place New York is. And if you want any advice, if you need a little help getting your bearings, I’ve put together some ideas for a Listening Tour – and if you just travel around, you’ll hear all kinds of things from New Yorkers. And for me it was a great experience representing this exciting state.
Now, there’s a lot to be done tonight, but there’s not really a lot of room for more than one internet meme sensation, so I’m afraid that Tim Tebow and Jeremy Lin really take the cake here. Speaking of New York though, I was delighted to see that our wonderful Governor Andrew Cuomo is on the TIME 100 list, along with others like Marco Rubio. And the two of them and I have ended up on some other lists this past couple of months. (Laughter.) And I assume it’s their keen interest in foreign policy that brings us together. But for me, looking through this list and looking at that exciting video depiction of everyone, I just want to say how impressed and grateful I am.

TIME has honored so many national and global leaders; you couldn’t possibly acknowledge every one. There’s many I haven’t had a chance to meet yet – I was sort of hoping Kim Jong-un would show up. (Laughter.) I don’t think he’s here but if you catch sight of him, let me know. We’re still trying to figure out what he’s all about. (Laughter.)

But I do want to give a shout-out to Angela Merkel and Dilma Rousseff and Portia Miller, Christine Lagarde, who are also on this list and prove once again that you actually can run the world in heels and pantsuits. (Applause.) Because the day is over when women leaders could only aspire to a supporting role. And by the way, I think we may have just found Kristen Wiig’s next movie. She can call it: “Bridesmaids No Longer.” (Laughter.)

I am – just excited to have the chance to say a few semi-serious words. Because aside from the dictators – and I am not talking about my friend Harvey – (laughter) – this is a truly remarkable list with so many distinguished leaders, artists, and activists, people who are on the front lines across the globe, whether it’s fighting AIDS in India, corruption in Russia, gender-based violence in Pakistan. And I am personally pleased at how many courageous women are on the list this year.

Now what does this actually mean, besides a fabulous evening in one of the great spots of New York? You’ve been deemed as influential. And I think it means that, at least according to TIME and the process they went through, people are inspired by your grace and your grit, moved by your refusal to give up even when the challenges appear insurmountable, motivated by your focus on solving problems that actually matter in people’s lives, showing us all what it means to work hard, to innovate, to advance our common humanity, to lead.

And the challenges that so many of you and others who couldn’t be with us tonight take on every day – conflict and persecution, corruption and poverty, hunger and disease – go directly to the security and prosperity of this country and all countries.

Today a flu in Canton can become an epidemic in Chicago. Or a protest in Cairo can reverberate to Calcutta causing economic and political shockwaves. And we know too well the destruction that an extremist cell in Karachi or Kandahar can cause. The world has changed – technology and globalization have made nearly every country and community interdependent and interconnected; citizens and non-state actors like NGOs, corporations, cartels are increasingly influencing international affairs for good or for ill. And the challenges we face have become so complex, so fast-moving, so cross-cutting that no one nation can hope to solve them alone. So how we practice foreign policy needs to change as well.

And when President Obama asked me to be Secretary of State, people were asking, “Is America still up to the job of leading in this rapidly changing world?” And we faced two wars, an economy in free-fall, diplomacy had been deemphasized, our traditional alliances were fraying, the international system the United States had helped to build and defend looked increasingly obsolete.

So the President set a clear objective to secure and advance America’s global leadership in the 21st Century. And to achieve that goal, we could no longer rely primarily on military solutions or on a go-it-alone approach. We needed to expand our thinking and our horizons, to use every tool in the proverbial tool box, every asset, every partner, in an integrated approach. And that meant breaking out of old bureaucratic silos, engaging with emerging powers, and most importantly, as Rick said, with people themselves, not just governments. It also meant harnessing market forces to help solve strategic problems, finding new partners in the private sector. In short, we needed to change the way we did business from top to bottom. And we called this new approach: “Smart Power.”

And it’s been more than three years now. By the time I finish next January, I guess I’ll have traveled a million miles, visited more than 100 countries. And I know a couple of things. One, the world remains a dangerous place, but I’m very proud of what we’ve accomplished. We have integrated the three pillars of American foreign policy: diplomacy, development, and defense. And we have worked hard to restore America’s standing, especially by repairing alliances and deepening relationships, and paying a lot of attention to the so-called rising powers. And also putting together coalitions to do things like protect civilians in Libya, or to try to, through pressure and sanctions, influence behavior in Iran. Putting people at the center of our foreign policy, especially those long pushed to the margins like women and young people, religious and ethnic minorities, the LGBT community, civil society. That was important because we want to make clear that America’s values of inclusivity and democracy, of fairness and equality of opportunity really were at the core of who we are and who we will be. So we determined to make innovation and partnerships the foundation of what we did.

And America’s global leadership is not a birthright. It has to be earned by each successive generation. So putting the common good ahead of narrow interests is what I think is not just a nice thing to do, but essential. And that’s as true at home as it is abroad. To be innovative, integrated, visionary, it’s all critical to the kind of future we want.

And there is no substitute for American leadership. I feel it everywhere I travel, every time that big blue and white plane with the words United States of America on the side touches down in another country. And yes, I appreciate greatly our military and material might. But at bottom it is our values and our commitment to fairness and justice, freedom and democracy that has set us apart and hopefully, God-willing, will always set us apart. It’s what makes American leadership so exceptional.

So let me leave you with just one final thought. Because as much as the world changes, this will always be true: Sometimes nations must be willing to do what is right no matter the odds or the costs. We must be prepared to act strongly and decisively, with every tool and, even occasionally, weapon at our disposal.

Some of you might have seen that photograph from the White House Situation Room on the day Usama bin Ladin was killed. And I’m often asked: What was going through my mind during that very long, tense day? And first, I remembered all the people here in New York who I had gotten to know, who I was privileged to represent in the Senate, and how much they, and we, deserved justice for our loved ones. And I thought about America and how important it was to protect our country from another attack. And I prayed for the safety of those brave men, those Navy SEALS risking their lives on that moonless Pakistani night.

So America will not only continue to lead, we will do so because we must. It’s who we are. It’s in our DNA. And I want to be sure that as I finish off my term as Secretary of State, and eventually get to a point where I can put my feet up and actually enjoy just being a citizen again, there’s a lot of work still to be done. There’s not a moment to lose.

And as I head off to another country and go on to all the meetings that I’ll be having, I will have the privilege to meet people like those we honor tonight. I will have the privilege to see firsthand what they are doing to advance freedom and opportunity to stand up to injustice, and I will know that America needs to be on their side. We need to continue doing what America does best: solving problems, standing for our values, and making it clear that the future will be just as exciting, filled with potential, as we have enjoyed a past that has given so many of us the opportunities that we sometimes take for granted, but which we are privileged to have as we gather here tonight.

So we need your help to continue this mission, this human mission. And next year when the editors of TIME begin putting together their list, I hope that they, and we, will find a world perhaps a little more peaceful, more prosperous, and more free.
And thanks to all of you for your contributions in making that so. Thank you all. Goodnight. (Applause.)


Saturday, April 21, 2012

FORMER U.S. SOCCER TEAM TO TRAVEL TO MOROCCO FOR EMPOWERING WOMEN AND GIRLS THROUGH SPORTS INITIATIVE

FROM:  U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 
Former U.S. Soccer National Team Coaches and Players to Travel to Morocco for Empowering Women and Girls through Sports Initiative
Media Note Office of the Spokesperson Washington, DC
April 19, 2012
Building on efforts to empower women and girls through sports, the U.S. Department of State and U.S. Soccer announced today former U.S. Women’s National Team players and coaches will travel to Morocco as Sports Envoys April 22-28, 2012. These Sports Envoys are a key component of the Empowering Women and Girls Through Sports Initiative, which aims to increase the number of women and girls worldwide who are involved in sports.

While in Morocco, former U.S. Women’s National Team assistant coach Lesle Gallimore and players Angela Hucles and Marian Dalmy will lead clinics focused on soccer skills and sports psychology for 40 female coaches from the region. They will also partner with the coaches from Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia to conduct soccer clinics with local female soccer players. In addition, the Sports Envoys will lead discussions about the importance of women’s sports and Title IX, the landmark U.S. law that defined equal opportunity.

The Empowering Women and Girls Through Sports Initiative builds on Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton’s vision of “smart power,” which embraces the use of a full range of diplomatic tools – in this case, the game of soccer – to bring people together and foster understanding.

In March, Amanda Cromwell and former U.S. Women’s National Team coach Lauren Gregg traveled to Argentina while Siri Mullinix and Lorrie Fair traveled to Venezuela as Sports Envoys. In addition, the U.S. Women’s National Team participated in a clinic with young female athletes in Japan on March 27 prior to their friendly match against the Japanese Women’s National Soccer Team. In February, former U.S. National Team players Danielle Slaton and Tony Sanneh traveled to Malaysia with Cheryl Bailey, the former general manager of the U.S. Women's National Team.

SportsUnited is the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs’ division devoted to sports diplomacy programs at the U.S. Department of State. Since 2003, SportsUnited has brought more than 900 athletes from 58 countries to the United States to participate in Sports Visitor programs. Since 2005, SportsUnited has sent more than 200 U.S. athletes to over 50 countries to participate in Sports Envoy programs.


Thursday, April 19, 2012

FIRST SECRETARY-GENERAL APPOINTED BY COMMUNITY OF DEMOCRACIES


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Community of Democracies Appoints First Secretary-General
Press Statement Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Washington, DC
April 17, 2012
I was pleased to learn that the Governing Council of the Community of Democracies (CD) unanimously selected Sweden’s Ambassador-at-Large for Democracy, Maria Leissner, as the CD’s first Secretary-General-Designate. Her appointment marks a major step in the Community’s transformation from a forum for democracies to convene, into an operational hub for democracy assistance and promotion. As chair of the CD’s reform working group and a key leader of the intergovernmental coalition’s revitalization over the last two years, Ambassador Leissner has brought together a diverse array of partners to provide concrete support for democracies in transition. I send my deepest congratulations to Ambassador Leissner, and I look forward to working with her as we support emerging democracies and civil society around the world.

Monday, April 16, 2012

DR. KIM YONG KIM BECOMES NEW PRESIDENT OF THE WORLD BANK


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Dr. Jim Yong Kim Elected World Bank President
Press Statement
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
April 16, 2012
I am delighted that the World Bank Board of Directors has selected Dr. Jim Yong Kim to serve as president through a transparent and competitive process. Dr. Kim is an excellent selection to lead the World Bank forward, build consensus with donor and borrowing countries, and encourage the increasingly important leadership role of developing countries. He has demonstrated a deep commitment to solving some of the most pressing challenges we face. For over 25 years, he has worked to fight disease and hunger by pioneering innovative solutions and investing in people and communities. We look forward to working with Dr. Kim as he shapes an even stronger World Bank. Together, we will help develop economies, build partnerships, and alleviate poverty.

Friday, April 13, 2012

SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON AT WHITE HOUSE CONNECTING THE AMERICAS CONFERENCE


FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at the White House Conference on Connecting the Americas
Remarks Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Eisenhower Executive Office Building
Washington, DC
April 12, 2012
Thank you all, thank you. I am delighted to have a chance to address you today. I know you’ve had a busy and active set of encounters and discussions. But it is a special treat for me to be here. I thank you, John, for that introduction, because you and many in this audience have held fast to a vision of partnership in the Americas even when some people may have had a hard time seeing it or understanding it, because it is so important that we keep our eyes on the horizon about what is possible and continue to work toward achieving it.

It was that potential which inspired 18 years ago the very first Summit of the Americas. I remember it very well when my husband announced in this building – somewhere but not in this brand new conference center – that the United States would host the first-ever gathering of democratically elected leaders from throughout the Western Hemisphere. He talked then about our “unique opportunity to build a community of free nations, diverse in culture and history, but bound together by a commitment to responsive and free government, vibrant civil societies, open economies, and rising living standards for all of our people.”

Well, that opportunity that was spoken about 18 years ago has really been born into reality. The people and the societies of the Americas have done so much to realize it. And that may be exemplified by the place where President Obama and I will head tomorrow for the sixth Summit of the Americas. I think that if we look back on the work we have done through the last years to support Colombia, it’s quite remarkable where Colombia stands today.

Now, first and foremost, of course, the credit goes to the heroic effort of Colombia’s people and government, but it’s had steadfast U.S. support. And so leaders from the entire hemisphere will gather in Cartagena with an agenda focused not on how we overcome a threat, but how we seize a unique opportunity.

As much as our hemisphere has changed, it is not alone in that experience. The world has changed so much, and we have to do a very honest assessment about where the United States stands in our efforts to realize the potential of these partnerships.

Before President Obama traveled to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador last year, I did address the issue of what I called “the power of proximity” because the Americas drive our prosperity. They buy more than 40 percent of our exports – three times as much as China. They provide more than half our imported energy. They are home to a growing number of global players with a central role in building new architectures of cooperation that defend our interests and our values. Their record of democratic development has global resonance at a time when democratic models and partners are needed more than ever. And our historic and deepening interdependence gives the Americas a singular importance to our people, our culture, and our society.

So harnessing that power of proximity is one of the most strategically significant tasks facing our foreign policy in the years ahead. I think the same can be true for our neighbors, because the power of proximity runs in both directions, and we together must harness it. We must turn the Americans, already a community of shared history, geography, culture, and values, into something greater – a shared platform for global success.

That has been the principle behind the Obama Administration’s focus on building equal partnerships, and it will be the message that the President takes to the Summit. We will look to translate our strategic vision into concrete steps. As our Colombian hosts have shown, those steps must be all about building connections among our governments, our businesses, our markets, our educational institutions, our societies and citizens.

Now, when we think about connecting the Americas, we start with our shared agenda for competitiveness and innovation. After all, this hemisphere is home not just to the United States’ biggest trading partners, but also to the dynamic emerging economies. Brazil and Mexico are projected to become top-five global economies in coming decades. Countries like Colombia, Chile, Peru, Uruguay, Panama have found recipes for strong growth. That has major implications for jobs right here. U.S. exports in this hemisphere were up 24 percent last year. President Obama set a goal of doubling exports in five years and we are well on the way to doing that. But what it means for Latin America and the new middle class is that half of all households are now in the middle class. That number could grow to three-quarters within 20 years.

Our free trade agreements and economic diplomacy capitalize on this two-way market. Thanks to the FTAs we ratified last year with Colombia and Panama, as John said, our trade partnerships run uninterrupted from the Arctic to Patagonia. We have signed a slew of agreements on economic cooperation and investment with Brazil and others. The Trans-Pacific Partnership that we are negotiating includes Chile and Peru. It’s also received strong interest from Canada and Mexico.

What’s notable is not just the scale, but the makeup of hemispheric trade. It consists of value-added products that create jobs and drive innovation. Production and design span borders, like the LearJet, which a Canadian company builds in the United States with Mexican-manufactured parts. This is high-quality trade, and high-quality trade means competitiveness for all of our companies.

Now, that’s good, but it’s not good enough. For when we compare ourselves to the most dynamic global regions, we still have a ways to go. The Inter-American Development Bank estimates that hemispheric trade is only half of what it could and should be. There are still too many barriers, whether uncoordinated regulations or inadequate infrastructure, that limit our potential. And in the face of rising competition, especially from Asia, we have to up our game.

That should begin with building new, more productive ties among entrepreneurs, companies, and markets. In Cartagena, we’re joining with business leaders to create a sustained private sector effort that will coordinate with and complement the work of governments. We’re intensifying our focus on small- and medium-sized enterprises, especially those started and run by women. They account, after all, for 90 percent of Latin American businesses and two-thirds of Latin American jobs, yet they have little access to the tools, financing, and partnerships that could help them thrive. In the United States just 1 percent of small and medium-sized enterprises access global markets. So by building links among these businesses, we can turn them into engines of job growth and prosperity.
We also have to do better when it comes to the technology that makes connectivity possible. This hemisphere’s young people have embraced technology and new media in huge numbers. But their ambitions have not been matched by the infrastructure and access that can drive real progress. Broadband costs more than three times more in Latin America than the OECD average. That’s a serious drag on development. So we’re going to try to leverage technology to enhance opportunity.

And as you look at innovation, we need to consider it in the long-term, and that means the hemisphere has to do more to provide better financing, deeper ties between scientists and institutions. We require more private initiatives like the announcements from Boeing and GE that they will establish research and technology centers in Brazil. We have to empower all of our citizens to take advantage of the new economy.

That brings me to the second area where we need to connect more: education. America’s record in education is really commendable, but our record in exchanges in education throughout the hemisphere leaves a lot to be desired. We need to leverage the skills of young people. Building those connections will be key to that. When President Rousseff met with President Obama earlier this week, they advanced our joint commitment to educational exchanges under our 100,000 Strong in the Americas and Brazil’s Science Without Borders. These are initiatives that will send thousands of students to train in universities in one another’s countries throughout the hemisphere. Now businesses have to do their part because they have to help us develop the skilled workforce that we seek and we will try to build those private sector partnerships in Cartagena.

We’ll also build connections in a third area: energy. Now, massive oil finds are being developed in Brazil while countries like Colombia and Canada are expanding production. And new methods have unlocked natural gas everywhere from the United States to Argentina. Smaller countries like Trinidad and Tobago are gas refiners and providers. And the progress is as striking in green energy, whether it’s Mexican advances in energy efficiency, Chilean innovations in geothermal, or the work on bio-fuels we’re doing with Brazil.

We’ve made energy a priority of our foreign policy and in February I signed a historic trans-boundary oil agreement with Mexico. We started high-level energy dialogues with producers. And just this week, President Obama and President Rousseff agreed to collaborate on deep water oil and gas operations. Under the Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas, launched by President Obama at the Summit of the Americas in 2009, we have leveraged already more than $150 million in government investment to support more than 40 initiatives.

There’s no doubt the Western Hemisphere is capable of producing cleaner, cheaper, more reliable energy to support growth here and globally, but in order to do that, we have to build a truly hemispheric network of our energy sectors. Connected markets would bring economies of scale, stable supplies, efficiency, and more use of renewables. That work we will also launch in Cartagena. And we will do what we can to help create a future of sustainable, affordable energy for all in the Americas.

Now progress within the hemisphere gives the Americas a new global profile. When I talk with foreign ministers – I’ve just finished the G8 ministers meeting here in Washington – whether I’m talking climate change or global growth and trade or nonproliferation, U.S.-Latin America relationships really matter to these global issues.
Peru and Chile have become key partners in the Pacific. Colombia is leading on citizen security globally and, with Guatemala, is one of our closest current partners on the Security Council. Uruguay contributes the most per capita to peacekeeping of any nation in the world. Costa Rica aims to become the first carbon-neutral country. Canada is one of our most important allies in diplomatic and security efforts. And nearly every country in the hemisphere stepped up to support Haiti.

This global activism carries tremendous strategic benefits. And at the summit, it is time to add an outward looking dimension to our connections, because our global engagements will be crucial to our success in the hemisphere. Now being global partners, I will hasten to say, does not mean we’ll always agree; that’s not the case. But it reflects a faith that even when we disagree, convergent interests and values give us important shared objectives in the world.

Now President Obama and I have said many times that this will be America’s Pacific century, and we are focused on the broader Pacific. But remember, the Pacific runs from the Indian Ocean to the western shores of Latin America. We see this as one large area for our strategic focus. That’s why we’re working with APEC; that’s why we’re creating the Trans-Pacific Partnership. We recognize the mutual benefits of engagement between the Americas and the rest of the Pacific.

Our global partnership also extends into the G20, which includes Argentina, Brazil, Canada, and Mexico, which will host the next meeting in June. And Mexico has been a leader in the climate change negotiations from Copenhagen to Cancun to Durban. Chile has joined Mexico to become the second Latin American member of the OECD and others are lined up to follow.

When I go to Brasilia next week, my conversations there will center on the major challenges of our day from Syria and Iran to growth and development. And I will join President Rousseff to co-chair a meeting of the Open Government Partnership, a joint effort to foster transparency and accountability among 54 governments, and a quarter of them are from Latin America and the Caribbean.

So we have an affirmative agenda that is forward-thinking and outward-looking. It reflects what we can do together in this hemisphere. But at the same time, we must be clear about where we can and should do better. We cannot afford to be complacent. So we have to commit to further progress against exclusion and lack of opportunity. Yes, the region has come a long way, thanks to a lot of smart social and economic policies. I applaud the work that has been done on many of the quite pioneering programs of conditional cash transfer and so much else. But the gap – the inequality gap – is still much too large. So we have to focus on economic policies that will close that gap. And we have to pay particular attention to women and indigenous and Afro-Latin communities, so that they, too, are part of the future we envision.

We have to protect democracy. It’s no accident that this hemisphere’s successes have come along with a nearly complete embrace of democracies. The Inter-American Democratic Charter enshrines democracy as a fundamental responsibility of governments and a right of all citizens. So we have to strengthen the capacity of the Organization of American States to defend democracy and human rights.

And of course, we have to address crime and insecurity. From the start of this Administration, we’ve have made it clear that the United States accepts our share of responsibility for the criminal violence that stalks our neighbors to the south. We tripled funding for demand reduction for illegal drugs to more than $10 billion a year. We strengthened the Merida Initiative in Mexico, the Central American Citizen Security Partnership, the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, our ongoing assistance to Colombia.

And our support is focused not just on helping security forces track down criminals; we’re working to address the root causes of violence, from impunity to lack of opportunity, to build accountable institutions that respect human rights and enhance the rule of law. Courts and prisons, police and prosecutors, schools and job-training centers, and building those partnerships with political leaders, but also with businesses and with the elite, who have a special obligation to help confront these challenges. I really applaud the progress that President Perez Molina has made in Guatemala, in just the first few months of his tenure, in tax reform. The fact that so many of the wealthy in Latin America have not paid their fair share of taxes is one of the reasons why the services that are necessary to protect citizen security, to enhance educational opportunities have not been available.

I understand the frustration in the region is high; the progress is viewed as being too slow. We have launched very open and frank dialogues with our partners to find ways that we can be of more assistance in supporting the reform efforts that are necessary.

But ultimately, a lot of this comes down to the connections between people. We have to be willing to do everything we can imagine to forge those connections. We have a lot of them already: blood and family, language and culture, history and geography, but there’s a lot more we can and must do. And we should act even when governments are not willing to partner with us.

In Cuba, for example, the hundreds of thousands of Cuban Americans who have travelled to the island since we eased the way for them early in this Administration are our best agents for change. They’ve already helped bring about some promising developments, especially in the economic arena. So we have to work to unleash the potential that we see in our hemisphere. And it truly is an exciting opportunity for the United States and equally for all the nations of the hemisphere.

When President Obama and I went to that first of his summits three years ago, it was exciting because I remembered the first summit that we had in Miami. I’m old enough to remember a lot of those things these days. (Laughter.) And I remember the generational look of that summit when, frankly, my husband was about the youngest leader, as I recall, or looked like it anyway. (Laughter.) Whereas now, there are young leaders with new ideas who are working hard on behalf of their country. There are women elected president, something which you know I think is a great advance. (Laughter and applause.)

And so the whole picture is one of great promise and opportunity and excitement, so I know that both the President and I are excited about going back to the summit. We’re sure there’ll be some surprises, as there always are at such large events. But more than that, there will be a palpable sense of the connections between and among us. And to me, that is worth everything – to build on those connections, to connect us in a way that really provides what we are all seeking, to help people live up to their God-given potential, to enshrine the values and habits of democracy, to lift people who have a generation or so before been mired in illiteracy and poverty into the middle class. It doesn’t get any better than that. This is the time for the Americas. And we have to do more to reach out to convince our own fellow Americans of that opportunity, and we have to – those of us in government or in academia or business or NGOs – be partners in making these connections real.

I’m looking forward to the work ahead, and I thank you so much for your interest in the abiding partnerships here in our hemisphere. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

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