Showing posts with label NETHERLANDS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NETHERLANDS. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 29, 2014

REMARKS BY SECRETARY KERRY, UKRAINIAN FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN

FROM:  THE STATE DEPARTMENT

Remarks With Ukrainian Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin After Their Meeting

Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
July 29, 2014




SECRETARY KERRY: Make sure it’s still morning. Good morning, everybody. Thank you for being here with us. It’s my pleasure to be able to welcome Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin to Washington, and this is the second time that he and I have had a chance to be able to meet and thoroughly discuss the issues of Ukraine, the challenges of the region, and I deeply appreciate his making time today at a critical time in the region.

We meet today less than two weeks after Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 was tragically shot out of the sky in the separatist-controlled territory of Ukraine, and the victims of that crash and their families clearly deserve a thorough international investigation that is unimpeded in any respect so that people have access to the site, so that the families can know that their loved ones are being treated with the decency that any family anywhere in the world would expect in these circumstances.

The United States supports a thorough international investigation into this heinous act, and we support the efforts of the Malaysians, Dutch, and Australians to help the Ukrainians in order to secure the site so that those investigations can take place now. They’re overdue, and it is absolutely important for the separatists to stand back and permit this access to take place.
The work of the investigators is absolutely critical. It’s been 10 days since this plane went down. And investigators have still not received full, unfettered access to the crash site. And without this access, they have no way to collect debris, no way to collect other evidence from the scene in order to be able to provide the kind of examination that is necessary. They still can’t even ensure that all of the victims’ remains have been removed, and that is an unsupportable burden for any family to have to bear, and it is an unacceptable standard for behavior, period. The site has to be cordoned off. The evidence has to be preserved. And Russia needs to use its considerable influence among the separatists in order to be able to help ensure this basic approach of common decency.

Well beyond the crash site, the fighting is continuing. And as President Poroshenko has made clear repeatedly and as Foreign Minister Klimkin reiterated to me just a few minutes ago, the Ukrainians are ready to accept a mutual cease-fire now – not in the future, now. And they have proposed a peace plan that includes serious and substantive dialogue with the Russian-backed separatists with international participation because they understand that that is the only way that this crisis is going to come to an end.

This morning, I talked with Foreign Minister Lavrov and raised these concerns and agreed that there is a way to try to put some very specific proposals on the table to try to move forward. But the Russians and their so-called volunteers are continuing to ship arms and funds and personnel across the border. We see this. There is clear evidence of it. We now have clear evidence of artillery and rocket fire from Russia into Ukraine. And while the Russians have said that they want to de-escalate the conflict, their actions have not shown a shred of evidence that they really have a legitimate desire to end the violence and end the bloodshed.
As a result, the Russian-backed separatists refuse to lay down their arms and be part of the political process. They continue to fire on Ukrainian forces, even in the area just around the crash site, and they have displayed an appalling disregard for human decency. And evidently, the separatists will continue to do so unless they can feel some pressure, something real from their Russian backers.

President Putin can make a huge difference here if he chooses to. And we and our European partners will take additional measures and impose wider sanctions on key sections of the Russian economy if that is what we must do. We hope that it will not be necessary. And if Russia continues to go down this path, however, Russia will leave the international community with no choice. What is unfolding in Ukraine has already gone on for far too long. It’s well past time for the violence to stop and for the people of Ukraine to begin the process of rebuilding their country and rebuilding it in a way that can have a relationship with Russia, with the West.
I think Foreign Minister Klimkin will affirm today that we’re not asking them to choose between the two, and I think Ukrainians understand that they have strong ties to Russia. They’re prepared to have a relationship with Russia, and they understand that the future of Ukraine depends on having a strong relationship with Russia.

So it’s well past time for this violence to stop, and that is why yesterday, Vice President Biden announced nearly $7 million in rapid assistance for humanitarian and rebuilding purposes to be deployed immediately. Specifically, these funds will go towards rebuilding eastern Ukraine, including the cities of Slovyansk and Kramatorsk, where people celebrated in the streets recently when they were liberated from separatist control.

We are also asking Congress for approval to provide financial support and mentoring to small businesses throughout Ukraine. Through mechanisms like the public-private partnerships and export promotion initiatives, we are hoping to inject additional resources into Ukraine’s economy so that together, all Ukrainians can rebuild their lives along with their cities.

Over the past few months, the Ukrainian Government has taken a number of steps to try to bring about a better future for its people and to reform the government that had failed them so much in the past, including signing an historic association agreement with the European Union and also finalizing a vital standby arrangement with the International Monetary Fund. We strongly urge Ukrainians to continue the process of reforming their democracy, even if not particularly during this moment of crisis, because this is a troubling time where everyone is looking for those reforms to be implemented, and they can make a huge difference in rebuilding confidence and also in providing a sense in Russia that the concerns expressed by the separatists are, in fact, being listened to and being incorporated into the political process of Ukraine.

The United States stands ready to support our Ukrainian partners in this effort, because we know that ultimately, a strong democratic government and a strong economy are the keys to providing the Ukrainian people with the stability and the prosperity that they want and that they deserve.

So again, I thank Foreign Minister Klimkin for joining me today for this meeting, and I have pledged to him that we will continue to work closely together. We’re talking about the possibility of when we could find time for a visit to continue this discussion more directly with the prime minister and with President Poroshenko. I think we share high hopes for the possibilities of what a resolution of this crisis with the separatists and with Russia could bring – a strong Ukraine, the respect for their sovereignty, and the possibilities of stability for the region.
Mr. Foreign Minister, please.

FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN: Good morning, everyone. Mr. Secretary of State, I would like to thank you for your commitment, for your solidarity, and for – also for your personal leadership, also in Geneva format, and for your commitment to democratic, united, and European Ukraine.
It’s my first visit since I’ve been appointed the foreign minister, and it’s, indeed, a pleasure to be here to discuss all issues of bilateral agenda, but first and foremost, the ongoing developments in Ukraine. And I’m glad we have the same vision of these developments and I am glad that I feel a real commitment, a real solidarity here. We have in Ukraine clear commitment to the settlement of the situation in Donetsk and Luhansk, and the peace plan of the president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, gives peace a chance.

It includes three main dimensions. It’s firstly about de-escalation and reaching a cease-fire. Secondly, it’s about humanitarian dimension and restoring the infrastructure disrupted on the ground. And of course, it’s about political dimension, because what counts and what is critical is reaching the bilateral cease-fire with the aim of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Of course, we need a critical progress. We need a breakthrough on hostages. We need to release hostages as soon as possible. And it’s also the issue of human dignity.

We need, of course, the OSCE. We need the OSCE observers to be present on the ground from the very first moment of cease-fire. We paid for our commitment on two unilateral cease-fire with 30 lives and more than 100 people wounded. The unilateral cease-fire was broken more than 100 times, and now it’s about bilateral cease-fire, it’s about OSCE again to be present on the ground, but it’s also about closing down the border. It’s also about stopping the inflow of money, armed persons, weapons, and heavy weaponry across the border, because it’s critical precondition for reaching stability in Donetsk and Luhansk.

Of course, it’s also about humanitarian dimension. It’s about restoration of all disrupted infrastructure, because what we’ve been doing now, we’ve been trying to restore disrupted electricity networks, water supply, gas supply. We’ve been trying to bring normal life back to the people of Donbas. And I am particularly grateful to the Secretary of State, to the United States, for urgent help, for urgent assistance to the people of Donbas, which should be aimed at restoring infrastructure. I believe it was – has symbolic, but also extremely important practical dimension.

And of course, it’s about political process. It’s about settlement. And we are ready to (inaudible) decentralization. We are ready to give more powers to the communities, to the districts, to the regions. It’s about giving people more freedom, but also more responsibility – political responsibility and economic responsibility. And it’s about not allowing to play up any sort of issues like using the Russian language, because it would be up to every community to decide what language should be spoken.

It’s about clear idea how we can de-escalate the situation on the ground, because we are ready for local elections. We are ready that the real representative of Donbas, a real representative of Donetsk and Luhansk should take responsibility over the situation on the ground, should take responsibility over de-escalation, over economic and social development on Donbas. And in this sphere, we feel solidarity by the United States and we also have clear and targeted assistance.

And also under difficult conditions on the ground, we’ve been trying – we’ve been working around the clock on securing access to the crash site, and it’s our key priority. We’ve been working on ensuring the possibility for fully transparent and effective investigation of the causes of the tragedy with the plane of Malaysian Airlines. And of course, for us, it’s about human dignity. It’s about the possibility of recovering all bodies and body fragments from the crash site. It’s about giving back the friends and the loved ones any sort of personal belongings. It’s not just the priority; it’s an absolute priority for Ukraine at the moment.

So we have the same vision on these developments and we feel continuous support by the United States. Of course we’ve touched upon also a number of issues on our bilateral agenda and we’ve been – we’ll be working on that extremely closely. And I used the chance to invite the Secretary of State to visit Kyiv and to chair the next meeting of our Strategic Partnership Commission, where we are able to discuss all the issues of bilateral interest and all the issues of bilateral agenda. Many thanks again.

MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Andrea Mitchell of NBC News.

QUESTION: Thank you both very much. Mr. Secretary, I want to ask you about Ukraine and about the sanctions and Vladimir Putin. But first, let me ask you about the situation in the Middle East. Overnight, two UN officials have been reported killed in Gaza. Israel has apparently hit the electric utility, the only source of electricity for much of the strip. And the Israeli media has unleashed a fierce attack on you personally, from the left and from the right, unprecedented in, frankly, any of our experience. Ari Shavit in Haaretz is quoting a senior official as saying that your diplomacy has been, quote, “a strategic terrorist attack” on Israel. Others say that if there is an escalation, you are responsible for the increasing bloodshed. At this point, there’s also a report today of a new Palestinian initiative from the Palestinian Authority, perhaps with Hamas joining in. I wanted to ask you about that. There’s a report in Al-Hayat that you have launched a new initiative as well.

So if you could clear some of this up: Is it hurting your ability to be a mediator here to have Israel, with these blind quotes from Israeli officials, attacking you so vociferously? And is there a way out here through some new cease-fire that the Palestinians may be promoting today?
Secondly on Ukraine, you said that Vladimir Putin has a choice now. Does he still have a choice? We were told that the United States, with the President’s call with the European leaders yesterday, were going to be imposing sanctions today. Are you giving him yet another chance to prove himself after everything that’s happened? Or are these sanctions actually going to finally be implemented? And can you and perhaps the minister respond to credible reports from the region, we’re told today that government forces have fired back at Russian forces – so have fired across the border. Thank you for taking all of this.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me take the second part first and then I’ll come back to your first question. With respect to Ukraine, we are in the process of preparing additional sanctions with Europe. That is absolutely accurate. And what will happen will happen. But of course, President Putin still has a choice going forward with respect to his ability to be able to have an impact on the separatists. That is a choice that will be there tomorrow, the next day, and in the weeks ahead in order to resolve this. So separate the two.

Europe is working on the sanctions. We are working with them on the sanctions. We anticipate those additional sanctions, but – forthwith – but the point I’m making is that in the long road ahead here to resolve the kinds of issues of the gas deal – the gas has been cut off to Ukraine; to resolve the movement and flow of weapons and people across the border; the issue of firing from Russia into Ukraine; all of these issues – whatever happens with sanctions today or tomorrow, those issues remain and they are remaining to be the choices that President Putin has to make.

So we talked today about a political road ahead, the ways in which Ukraine can contribute to an effort to try to make it clear to President Putin that the agreements originally arrived at in Geneva about a political process are, indeed, being fully implemented. And Russia has raised on a number of occasions significant questions about whether or not that road has been sufficiently explored. And I think the foreign minister and I agree that there is more that we think can be done there, and we’re going to talk about that in the days ahead.

Now on the subject of Israel, I have talked to Prime Minister Netanyahu two, three, four times a day in the last days. We continue to talk. Last night we talked and the prime minister talked to me about an idea and a possibility of a cease-fire. He raised it with me, as he has consistently. He has consistently said that he would embrace a cease-fire that permits Israel to protect itself against the tunnels and obviously not be disadvantaged for the great sacrifice that they have made in order to be able to protect themselves thus far.

So the bottom line is that we are working very carefully and, I think, thoughtfully with our Israeli friends in order to be able to find a way to reduce the civilian loss of life, to prevent this from spiraling downwards into a place from which both sides have difficulty finding a way forward in order to address the underlying kinds of issues.

Now obviously, no one – no one in the United States, no one I know in the world condones the idea that Israel ought to be somehow subject to attack from these tunnels. We have supported from day one Israel’s right to defend itself, Israel’s right to take action, Israel’s right to live free from rockets and from tunnels that threaten it. But all we have suggested, and that President Obama has had several conversations with the prime minister about, is the need to try to find if you can resolve any of those issues through a legitimate negotiation and ultimately with less loss of life everywhere.

Now look, I’ve taken hits before in politics. I’m not worried about that. This is not about me. This isn’t about Israel and Israel’s right to defend itself, and our strong support for Israel’s right to defend itself, but about whether or not there is a way forward that could avoid the loss of soldiers for Israel and the loss of civilians in – everywhere. What we put on the table, in fact, allowed Israel – let me make this clear – allowed Israel to continue to deal with its tunnels even as they were in a short-term cease-fire to try to see if there was a way to reach a sustainable cease-fire. The UN has called for this, the international community has called for this, and Prime Minister Netanyahu himself has said that he is prepared to embrace it, providing it doesn’t prejudice Israel in its way of protecting itself. And we have made certain that we guarantee that it doesn’t.

Now let me just finish quickly. The fact is that because of our efforts, we were able to get a short-term 12-hour cease-fire which then was expanded to 24, but then because of confusion over the 12 hours and four hours didn’t hold. That doesn’t mean that the right approach here isn’t to try to have an appropriate way to come to the table in order to see if a negotiation can take place. Now, let me emphasize Israel itself accepted a cease-fire under the Egyptian formula of no preconditions, cease of – cessation of hostilities, negotiations to take place in Cairo. That is exactly what we have been talking about. No variation, no deviation. We’ve been in touch with the Egyptians; we have honored the Egyptian concept. If there is a negotiation, it would be in Cairo. It would be entirely without preconditions, and it would not prejudice Israel’s ability to defend itself.

So I think there’s a little bit of energy being expended here unnecessarily, and I do think we will continue to work with our very close friend and ally. And I’m not going to worry about personal attacks. I think that President Obama has it right and the international community has it right when we say that it is more appropriate to try to resolve the underlying issues at a negotiating table than to continue a tit for tat of violence that will invite more violence and perhaps a greater downward spiral, which would be much more difficult to recover from.

QUESTION: Do you think it’s still possible --

SECRETARY KERRY: Let me --

QUESTION: Do you think it’s still possible to get a cease-fire after the past two days?

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, that depends entirely on the parties at this point, Andrea. I mean, we – we’re trying to very carefully – without, as I said, diminishing Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself against tunnels and rockets – but to find a way to see if we can spare the people of Israel as well as Palestinians the possibilities of, at any moment, something going terribly wrong. When one of those rockets hits a major school in Israel or a major population center, lots of people die. The effort here is to find whether or not – I can’t vouch for it and President Obama can’t vouch for it, but we know that we owe it to everybody to try to see if you can find that way. If, after you get to a table, it proves that there is absolute reluctance to honor basic defensive needs of Israel; to deal with the rockets, to deal with the tunnels, to deal with other things, then at least you know you’ve made that effort to try to spare lives and to find a legitimate way forward. That’s our job, to try to do that. And we think we’re doing it in a way that completely reinforces Israel’s rights.

I’ve spent 29 years in the United States Senate and had a 100 percent voting record pro-Israel, and I will not take a second seat to anybody in my friendship or my devotion to the protection of the state of Israel. But I also believe, as somebody who’s been to war, that it is better to try to find a way, if you can, to solve these problems before you get dragged into something that you can’t stop. And it seems to me that this is a reasonable effort, fully protecting Israel’s rights, fully protecting Israel’s interests, and Prime Minister Netanyahu himself said to me: Can you try to get a humanitarian cease-fire for this period of time? And if it weren’t for his commitment to it, obviously, the President of the United States and I would not be trying to make this effort. Now, either I take his commitment at face value, or someone is playing a different game here, and I hope that’s not the fact.

FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN: On this report, I have such a record of cases of Russian – of shelling, not just artillery fire, but also rocket-propelled grenade fire from the Russian territory; of cases of Russian helicopters intruding the Ukrainian airspace. But we never, never fired back, of course, in order not to provoke the situation, but first and foremost because we are fully committed to international law. We have our legal and political commitments, and in the sense of United Nations statute, shelling from the territory of another state constitutes an act of aggression. So we are fully committed to international law. We never fired back.

And there were also many cases when the terrorists tried to position themself exactly near the border and fire on Ukrainian forces. We also exercised an extreme restraint, trying not to fire back, not to provoke the situation, and not to break our obligation under international law. So all reports on us firing back onto Russian territory are not true.

MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Alex Yanevskyy from VOA.

QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you, Mr. Foreign Minister. I have a question. Putin not showing signs that he slows down. Mr. Secretary, what exactly the United States is going to do if Russia invades Ukraine, and should Ukraine expect to become an ally of the United States? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: What was the first part of that?

QUESTION: What exactly the United States is going to do if Russia invades Ukraine?

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, the President has made it clear that there are many different options, but that would be taken, needless to say, as not just a violation of all notions of international law, but an exceedingly dangerous action, which would wind up with the most severe possible kinds of isolation and sanctions possible. And Germany, France, other countries in Europe would clearly join into that in ways that would have a profound, profound impact on the Russian economy. I would believe, for the very reasons that hasn’t happened yet, that President Putin understands that, that the risks are enormous.

It doesn’t – I think that alliances are a more – I mean, it depends whether you’re talking in legal terms or in other terms. We are a partner. We are a strategic ally now. And we are working very, very closely already providing advice and materials to Ukraine, as well as other countries who are doing the same thing. And we are working very, very hard to see if we can’t find the political key to be able to provide redress for the grievances that President Putin keeps talking about through the political process in a way that will recognize that Russia has a legitimate interest, which even Ukraine has acknowledged – interests about ethnic connection, historic connection, about the religious and historical foundations of Russia, all of which can be traced back to Kyiv and to many battlefields that are now in Ukraine and so forth. All of that is understood. And what Ukraine is looking for is simply respect for its sovereignty, and hopefully the political process that is unfolding now can address the concerns in a way that will strengthen that sovereignty and address the concerns that President Putin has expressed.

But we are and Europeans who have signed now an association agreement are firmly committed to the sovereignty and independence and stability of Ukraine, and we will continue to do the things that we are doing in furtherance of that policy.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.



SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all.

Friday, July 18, 2014

PRESIDENT OBAMA MAKES STATEMENT ON DOWNING OF MALAYSIAN AIRLINES FLIGHT MH17

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

Statement by the President on Ukraine

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
11:52 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody. 
Yesterday, Malaysian Airlines Flight MH17 took off from Amsterdam and was shot down over Ukraine near the Russian border.  Nearly 300 innocent lives were taken -- men, women, children, infants -- who had nothing to do with the crisis in Ukraine.  Their deaths are an outrage of unspeakable proportions.
We know at least one American citizen, Quinn Lucas Schansman, was killed.  Our thoughts and prayers are with his family for this terrible loss.
Yesterday, I spoke with the leaders of Ukraine, Malaysia, and the Netherlands.  I told them that our thoughts and prayers are with all the families and that the American people stand with them during this difficult time.  Later today, I’ll be speaking to Prime Minister Abbott of Australia, which also suffered a terrible loss.
By far, the country that lost the most people on board the plane was the Netherlands.  From the days of our founding, the Dutch have been close friends and stalwart allies of the United States of America.  And today, I want the Dutch people to know that we stand with you, shoulder to shoulder, in our grief and in our absolute determination to get to the bottom of what happened.
Here’s what we know so far.  Evidence indicates that the plane was shot down by a surface-to-air missile that was launched from an area that is controlled by Russian-backed separatists inside of Ukraine.  We also know that this is not the first time a plane has been shot down in eastern Ukraine.  Over the last several weeks, Russian-backed separatists have shot down a Ukrainian transport plane and a Ukrainian helicopter, and they claimed responsibility for shooting down a Ukrainian fighter jet. Moreover, we know that these separatists have received a steady flow of support from Russia.  This includes arms and training.  It includes heavy weapons, and it includes anti-aircraft weapons. 
Here’s what must happen now.  This was a global tragedy.  An Asian airliner was destroyed in European skies, filled with citizens from many countries.  So there has to be a credible international investigation into what happened.  The U.N. Security Council has endorsed this investigation, and we will hold all its members -- including Russia -- to their word.  In order to facilitate that investigation, Russia, pro-Russian separatists, and Ukraine must adhere to an immediate cease-fire.  Evidence must not be tampered with.  Investigators need to access the crash site.  And the solemn task of returning those who were lost on board the plane to their loved ones needs to go forward immediately.
The United States stands ready to provide any assistance that is necessary.  We’ve already offered the support of the FBI and the National Transportation Safety Board, which has experience in working with international partners on these types of investigations.  They are on their way, personnel from the FBI and the National Transportation Safety Board. 
In the coming hours and days, I’ll continue to be in close contact with leaders from around the world as we respond to this catastrophe.  Our immediate focus will be on recovering those who were lost, investigating exactly what happened, and putting forward the facts. 
I want to point out there will likely be misinformation as well.  I think it's very important for folks to sift through what is factually based and what is simply speculation.  No one can deny the truth that is revealed in the awful images that we all have seen.  And the eyes of the world are on eastern Ukraine, and we are going to make sure that the truth is out.
More broadly, I think it's important for us to recognize that this outrageous event underscores that it is time for peace and security to be restored in Ukraine.  For months, we’ve supported a pathway to peace, and the Ukrainian government has reached out to all Ukrainians, put forward a peace plan, and lived up to a cease-fire, despite repeated violations by the separatists -- violations that took the lives of Ukrainian soldiers and personnel.
Moreover, time and again, Russia has refused to take the concrete steps necessary to deescalate the situation.  I spoke to President Putin yesterday in the wake of additional sanctions that we had imposed.  He said he wasn’t happy with them, and I told him that we have been very clear from the outset that we want Russia to take the path that would result in peace in Ukraine, but so far at least, Russia has failed to take that path.  Instead, it has continued to violate Ukrainian sovereignty and to support violent separatists.  It has also failed to use its influence to press the separatists to abide by a cease-fire.  That’s why, together with our allies, we’ve imposed growing costs on Russia.
So now is, I think, a somber and appropriate time for all of us to step back and take a hard look at what has happened.  Violence and conflict inevitably lead to unforeseen consequences.  Russia, these separatists, and Ukraine all have the capacity to put an end to the fighting.  Meanwhile, the United States is going to continue to lead efforts within the world community to de-escalate the situation; to stand up for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine; and to support the people of Ukraine as they courageously work to strengthen their democracy and make their own decisions about how they should move forward.
Before I take just a couple of questions let me remark on one other issue.  This morning, I spoke with Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel about the situation in Gaza.  We discussed Israel’s military operation in Gaza, including its efforts to stop the threat of terrorist infiltration through tunnels into Israel.  I reaffirmed my strong support for Israel’s right to defend itself.  No nation should accept rockets being fired into its borders, or terrorists tunneling into its territory.  In fact, while I was having the conversation with Prime Minister Netanyahu, sirens went off in Tel Aviv.
I also made clear that the United States, and our friends and allies, are deeply concerned about the risks of further escalation and the loss of more innocent life.  And that’s why we’ve indicated, although we support military efforts by the Israelis to make sure that rockets are not being fired into their territory, we also have said that our understanding is the current military ground operations are designed to deal with the tunnels, and we are hopeful that Israel will continue to approach this process in a way that minimizes civilian casualties and that all of us are working hard to return to the cease-fire that was reached in November of 2012. 
Secretary Kerry is working to support Egypt’s initiative to pursue that outcome.  I told Prime Minister Netanyahu that John is prepared to travel to the region following additional consultations.
Let me close by making one additional comment.  On board Malaysian Airlines Flight MH17, there were apparently nearly 100 researchers and advocates traveling to an international conference in Australia dedicated to combating AIDS/HIV.  These were men and women who had dedicated their own lives to saving the lives of others and they were taken from us in a senseless act of violence.
In this world today, we shouldn’t forget that in the midst of conflict and killing, there are people like these -- people who are focused on what can be built rather than what can be destroyed; people who are focused on how they can help people that they’ve never met; people who define themselves not by what makes them different from other people but by the humanity that we hold in common.  It’s important for us to lift them up and to affirm their lives.  And it’s time for us to heed their example. 
The United States of America is going to continue to stand for the basic principle that people have the right to live as they choose; that nations have the right to determine their own destiny; and that when terrible events like this occur, the international community stands on the side of justice and on the side of truth. 
So with that, let me take just a couple questions.  I’ll start with you, Julie.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Just on a technical matter, does the U.S. believe that this passenger jet was targeted, or that those people who shot it down may have been going after a military -- thought they were going after a military aircraft?  And more broadly, this incident does seem to escalate the crisis in Ukraine to a level we haven’t seen before.  Does that change your calculus in terms of what the U.S. and perhaps Europe should be doing in terms of a response?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I think it’s too early for us to be able to guess what the intentions of those who might have launched this surface-to-air missile might have had.  The investigation is going to be ongoing, and I think what we’ll see is additional information surfacing over the next 24 hours, 72 hours, the next week, the next month.
What we know right now, what we have confidence in saying right now is that a surface-to-air missile was fired and that's what brought the jet down.  We know -- or we have confidence in saying that that shot was taken within a territory that is controlled by the Russian separatists. 
But I think it’s very important for us to make sure that we don't get out ahead of the facts.  And at this point, in terms of identifying specifically what individual or group of individuals or personnel ordered the strike, how it came about, those are things that I think are still going to be subject to additional information that we’re going to be gathering.  And we’re working with the entire international community to make sure that the focus is on getting to the bottom of this thing and being truthful.
And my concern is obviously that there’s been a lot of misinformation generated in eastern Ukraine generally.  This should snap everybody’s heads to attention and make sure that we don't have time for propaganda, we don't have time for games.  We need to know exactly what happened.  And everybody needs to make sure that we’re holding accountable those who committed this outrage.
With respect to the second question, as you’re aware, before this terrible incident happened we had already ratcheted up sanctions against Russia.  And I think the concern not just of Russian officials but of the markets about the impact that this could have on the Russian economy is there for all to see.
I made clear to President Putin that our preferred path is to resolve this diplomatically.  But that means that he and the Russian government have to make a strategic decision:  Are they going to continue to support violent separatists whose intent is to undermine the government of Ukraine?  Or are they prepared to work with the government of Ukraine to arrive at a cease-fire and a peace that takes into account the interests of all Ukrainians?
There has been some improved language at times over the last month coming from the Kremlin and coming from President Putin, but what we have not seen is an actual transition and different actions that would give us confidence that that's the direction that they want to take.
And we will continue to make clear that as Russia engages in efforts that are supporting the separatists, that we have the capacity to increase the costs that we impose on them.  And we will do so.  Not because we’re interested in hurting Russia for the sake of hurting Russia, but because we believe in standing up for the basic principle that a country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity has to be respected, and it is not the United States or Russia or Germany or any other country that should be deciding what happens in that country.
Q    At this point do you see any U.S. military role that could be effective?
THE PRESIDENT:  We don't see a U.S. military role beyond what we’ve already been doing in working with our NATO partners and some of the Baltic States, giving them reassurances that we are prepared to do whatever is required to meet our alliance obligations.
Steve Holland.
Q    Sir, thank you.  How much blame for this do you put on President Putin?  And will you use this incident now to push the Europeans for stronger action?
THE PRESIDENT:  We don't exactly know what happened yet, and I don't want to, as I said before, get out ahead of the facts.  But what I do know is, is that we have seen a ticking up of violence in eastern Ukraine that, despite the efforts of the Ukrainian government to abide by a cease-fire and to reach out and agree to negotiations, including with the separatists, that has been rebuffed by these separatists.  We know that they are heavily armed and that they are trained.  And we know that that’s not an accident.  That is happening because of Russian support.
So it is not possible for these separatists to function the way they’re functioning, to have the equipment that they have -- set aside what’s happened with respect to the Malaysian Airlines -- a group of separatists can’t shoot down military transport planes or, they claim, shoot down fighter jets without sophisticated equipment and sophisticated training.  And that is coming from Russia.
So we don’t yet know exactly what happened with respect to the Malaysian Airlines, although obviously we’re beginning to draw some conclusions given the nature of the shot that was fired.  There are only certain types of anti-aircraft missiles that can reach up 30,000 feet and shoot down a passenger jet.  We have increasing confidence that it came from areas controlled by the separatists.  But without having a definitive judgment on those issues yet, what we do know is, is that the violence that’s taking place there is facilitated in part -- in large part -- because of Russian support.  And they have the ability to move those separatists in a different direction.
If Mr. Putin makes a decision that we are not going to allow heavy armaments and the flow of fighters into Ukraine across the Ukrainian-Russian border, then it will stop.  And if it stops, then the separatists will still have the capacity to enter into negotiations and try to arrive at the sort of political accommodations that Mr. Putin himself says he wants to see.  He has the most control over that situation, and so far, at least, he has not exercised it.
Q    Tougher sanctions in Europe -- will you push for them?
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, I think that this certainly will be a wake-up call for Europe and the world that there are consequences to an escalating conflict in eastern Ukraine; that it is not going to be localized, it is not going to be contained.  What we’ve seen here is -- just in one country alone, our great allies, the Dutch, 150 or more of their citizens being killed.  And that, I think, sadly brings home the degree to which the stakes are high for Europe, not simply for the Ukrainian people, and that we have to be firm in our resolve in making sure that we are supporting Ukraine in its efforts to bring about a just cease-fire and that we can move towards a political solution to this.
I’m going to make this the last question.  Lisa Lerer, Bloomberg.
Q    Do we know yet if there were other Americans on board beyond the person you mentioned?  And how do you prevent stricter restrictions, economic sanctions from shocking the global economy and -- 
THE PRESIDENT:  We have been pretty methodical over the last 24 hours in working through the flight manifest and identifying which passengers might have had a U.S. passport.  At this point, the individual that I mentioned is the sole person that we can definitively say was a U.S. or dual citizen. 
Because events are moving so quickly, I don’t want to say with absolute certainty that there might not be additional Americans, but at this stage, having worked through the list, been in contact with the Malaysian government, which processed the passports as folks were boarding, this is our best assessment of the number of Americans that were killed.  Obviously that does nothing to lessen our outrage about all those families.  Regardless of nationality, it is a heartbreaking event.
With respect to the effect of sanctions on the economy, we have consistently tried to tailor these sanctions in ways that would have an impact on Russia, on their economy, on their institutions or individuals that are aiding and abetting in the activities that are taking place in eastern Ukraine, while minimizing the impacts on not only the U.S. economy but the global economy. 
It is a relevant consideration that we have to keep in mind.  The world economy is integrated; Russia is a large economy; there’s a lot of financial flows between Russia and the rest of the world.  But we feel confident that at this point the sanctions that we’ve put in place are imposing a cost on Russia, that their overall impact on the global economy is minimal.  It is something that we have to obviously pay close attention to, but I think Treasury, in consultation with our European partners, have done a good job so far on that issue.
Thank you very much, everybody.
END
12:15 P.M. EDT

Sunday, May 4, 2014

U.S. AMBASSADOR ROBERT MIKULAK'S STATEMENT TO OPCW EXECUTIVE COUNCIL

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Statement to the Fortieth Meeting of the Executive Council

Remarks
Ambassador Robert P. Mikulak, United States Delegation to the Executive Council Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
The Hague, Netherlands
April 29, 2014


Mr. Chairman, Mr. Director-General, distinguished delegates,
Last September, when this Council embarked upon the effort to eliminate Syria’s chemical weapons program, in the aftermath of the terrible August 21, 2013 attacks in the suburb of Damascus, I think all of us expected to be at a very different stage of the effort than we are today.

While we recognize the accomplishment reflected in the removal of 92 percent of the declared stockpile, this job is not done until it’s fully done. Although the international community quickly readied an operation to transport and destroy Syria’s declared chemical weapons program, the Assad regime has delayed the operation at every opportunity. As a result, multiple dates established by the Council by consensus have been missed. Now Syria has not even met its own schedule for completing removal on 27 April. Almost 100 tons of Priority 1 and Priority 2 chemicals still remain in Syria, which represents approximately eight percent of the total declared material. And the international effort to actually destroy this deadly material is on hold and costing all involved significant sums every day.

Our understanding is that Syria has yet to even undertake the packing and other actions necessary to prepare the chemicals at the final site for transport. The excuse that the site, which is occupied by Syrian Government forces, is “inaccessible” was not acceptable before, and is not acceptable now. The Asad regime needs to develop and implement without further delay a plan to meet its obligations. We need to see immediate and tangible signs that Syria intends to transport, in the very near future, the remaining chemicals from the last site. Such signs could include, for example: destruction of the remaining isopropanol; prepositioning transport equipment; decanting chemicals; beginning packing and site preparations; and maintaining a readiness posture at the port of Latakia. These actions should already have taken place. They should be implemented immediately in order for Syria to demonstrate good faith that the regime is taking its obligations seriously, and is not playing political games. The international community cannot wait indefinitely for Syrian action.

Mr. Chairman,

Despite the destruction deadlines established in this Council by consensus, twelve chemical weapons production facilities declared by Syria remain structurally intact. Why is that? The answer is Syria’s intransigence and refusal to even discuss the matter with other delegations over the past weeks. The Technical Secretariat has helpfully contributed its expertise, but it cannot negotiate a final document in place of this Council. The United States continues to hope that a mutually acceptable approach can be found in the near future, but Syria must come to the table to discuss possible approaches. Our delegation is ready to actively and constructively participate in discussions to reach an acceptable solution.

Unfortunately, Syria’s position seems to be that the destruction requirements should be substantially lower for Syria than they were for other countries. This cannot be the case, especially in light of the Syrian regime well demonstrated willingness to use chemical weapons. In 2001, for example, the Technical Secretariat informed the United States that “any underground structure designated for locating any equipment related to the CWPF shall also be destroyed or filled in, and provided with permanent cover.” The same requirement should apply to underground structures in Syria. In its 27 September decision, this Council made clear that the Syrian CW situation demanded stringent verification measures and, to that end, we must ensure that these facilities can never be used by the Syrian regime to retain or restart a chemical weapons program.

Mr. Chairman,

Up to this point, the elimination effort has been focused solely on the chemical weapons and associated equipment and facilities disclosed by Syria to the OPCW Technical Secretariat and States Parties. The fundamental goal of the 27 September decision of this Council, UN Security Council Resolution 2118, and indeed the Convention itself is the prevention of further regime use of chemical weapons through the total elimination of Syria’s chemical weapons program. Questions remain unanswered about the information provided by Syria. Therefore, additional attention will need to be focused on verifying the accuracy and completeness of Syria’s submissions. We welcome the initiative to send an OPCW team that has recently begun working on this task in Damascus. States Parties will also have an important role to play during this verification phase. This Council will need to monitor this effort closely as an essential part of its diligent oversight of the elimination of Syria’s chemical weapons program.
Mr. Chairman,

As we reflect upon what still needs to be done to ensure the complete elimination of Syria’s chemical weapons program, nothing is more disturbing than the recent reports of chemical weapons use. As we are all aware, there are public reports and videos indicating the use of a toxic chemical – probably chlorine – in Syria this month against the opposition-dominated village of Kafr Zayta. These reports are too serious to be ignored by this Council or the international community at large. The United States considers them to be a matter of serious concern requiring an immediate international effort to determine what has happened. We commend the leadership of the Director-General in seeking to establish the facts surrounding the recent allegations of chlorine CW use against Kafr Zayta, as he has just informed us that he will. This Council should welcome these efforts and call upon Syria to immediately and fully cooperate.

Mr. Chairman,

It was 99 years ago this month that chlorine was used as a chemical weapon near Ypres, Belgium. The Chemical Weapons Convention was designed specifically to eradicate those kinds of attacks, whether they use sarin, chlorine, or any other toxic chemical to harm or kill. The name of the very room where this Council meets today – the Ypres room -- is meant as a reminder to all of us both of the horrors of chemical weapons and the imperative, for the sake of all mankind, that we do everything in our power to ensure such heinous weapons are never used again in Syria or anywhere else.
Mr. Chairman,

I ask that this statement be considered an official document of this Executive Council meeting and placed on the OPCW website and external server.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Sunday, April 27, 2014

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS AT SUMMIT REGARDING OCEANS AND FOOD SECURITY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Opening Remarks to the Global Oceans Action Summit for Food Security and Blue Growth

Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
The Hague, Netherlands
April 24, 2014




Good morning. I’m sorry I can’t be with you in the Netherlands this week, but I’m very pleased to offer a few thoughts from Washington as the Global Oceans Action Summit continues. To start, let me thank all of the Summit’s sponsors for bringing together so many influential people – from so many different sectors – to discuss one of the most complex global challenges we face today: how we sustainably manage our ocean. 

It’s certainly an appropriate week for the Summit to take place. This past Tuesday marked the 45th annual Earth Day. I still remember the very first Earth Day back in 1970, when more than 20 million Americans gathered in parks and schools and auditoriums to demand better care for our natural resources. I actually helped organize the efforts in my homes state of Massachusetts. Well the fact is, it’s impossible to care for our Earth without caring for the ocean that covers nearly three-quarters of it. And if you look at a map, you’ll see that no single country can claim the ocean as its own. It is very clearly our ocean to share and that also means we share the responsibility to act as its steward. 

I know that every one of you at the Summit understands this. And you know how much the ocean means to our economies, our well-being, and our entire way of life on Earth – and that’s true whether you’re talking about a community on the coast or one hundreds of miles from the nearest beach. 

But you also know the extent to which our ocean is in trouble. First, we have record pollution that’s contributing to hundreds of dead zones around the globe where life simply can’t exist. 
Second – yet another deeply troubling part of climate change – our ocean is absorbing enormous amounts of carbon dioxide, which is changing the chemical makeup of the ocean and causing it to acidify and eat away at coral reefs, shellfish, and more. 

And third, today too much money is chasing far too few fish. I spent a lot of time examining this issue as Chairman of the U.S. Senate’s Oceans and Fisheries Subcommittee. To a lot of people, the supply of fish seems endless. But that’s simply not the case at all. Almost one third of the world’s fish stocks are currently overexploited, and most of the others are fished at the absolute maximum levels. That’s the definition of unsustainable. Obviously, this is bad news for the hundreds of millions of families around the world who depend on income from fisheries to feed their children and pay their bills. But it’s also major threat to global food security: More than one billion people rely on fish as their primary source of protein – most of whom live in the poorest, least developed countries, where other protein options are either too limited or too expensive for the average family to buy. 

Addressing all of these challenges won’t be easy. But the good news is, we know what kinds of steps we need to take if we want to honor our responsibility to leave behind a healthy and vibrant ocean for future generations. 

With overfishing, for example, part of the problem is that a huge chunk of seafood caught around the world is obtained in ways that are illegal, unreported, or unregulated. So, one solution would be government policies that only allow seafood into markets if there’s proof that the seafood was captured legally and in a way that you can trace. This would help us to level the playing field for honest fishermen – while at the same time protecting fish stocks around the world. 

Ultimately, what we need is a new global ocean policy agenda. And the kind of clear and comprehensive agenda I’m talking about cannot be developed without the input of governments, the private sector, civil society leaders, and other stakeholders around the world. 
That’s why I’m so grateful that the Global Oceans Action Summit is taking place. And that’s also why on June 16th and 17th, I’m convening a conference here at the State Department. I’m inviting international leaders from all different sectors to help build consensus around ways to better protect our ocean. And we really want as many people as possible to be involved in that effort – we’re going to stream the conference online and include a number of ways for folks to participate via social media. 

Protecting our ocean isn’t only an environmental issue. It’s an economic issue. It’s a global health issue. It’s a food security issue. And above all, it’s a moral responsibility. So I look forward to hearing what comes out of the Global Action Summit and to carrying your ideas forward here at the State Department in June. Thank you very much.

Saturday, February 22, 2014

REMARKS: EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF ORGANIZATION FOR THE PROHIBITION OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks at the 39th Meeting of the Executive Council
Remarks
Robert P. Mikulak
U.S. Permanent Representative to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 
The Hague, Netherlands
February 21, 2014

Mr. Chairman,

At the last meeting of this Council, the United States expressed deep concern that the effort to remove chemical agent, key precursor chemicals, and other chemicals from Syria had seriously languished and stalled. Many members of this Council expressed the same concerns. Along with the United States, they called upon the Syrian Government to accelerate and expeditiously complete the relocation of these chemicals to the port of Latakia for removal and destruction.

In the three weeks since this Council last met, there has been progress in eliminating the isopropanol in Syria and in transporting limited quantities of the stabilizer hexamine to Latakia. The fact remains, however, that 95.5 percent of Priority One chemicals – CW agent and key binary precursors – remain in Syria as well as 81.1 percent of Priority Two chemicals, well beyond the dates set for removal by the Executive Council. And the Syrian Government continues to put its energy into excuses, instead of actions.

Regrettably, this Council at its January 30th meeting failed to address Syria’s unacceptable delay in completing removal of all designated chemicals. Why? Because a single member of this Council put its own political agenda above the welfare of the people of Syria and the international community. This lapse in leadership was unworthy of this Council and an affront to the dedicated efforts of the OPCW Technical Secretariat and the OPCW-UN Joint Mission to remove chemical weapons from the military arsenal of the Assad regime.


Mr. Chairman,

While this Council was silent, the growing concern of the international community thankfully found its voice at the UN Security Council. On February 6th, the Security Council publicly addressed the Syria CW situation. In particular,

-- The Security Council noted growing concern, with respect to the decision of OPCW Executive Council EC-M-34/DEC.1, dated 15 November 2013, about the slow pace of the removal of the chemical weapons from the territory of Syria, which has placed efforts behind schedule;

-- The Security Council called upon the Syrian Arab Republic to expedite actions to meet its obligation to transport, in a systematic and sufficiently accelerated manner, all relevant chemicals to Latakia for removal from Syrian territory, and in this regard noted the Secretary-General and Joint Mission’s call for the Syrian Arab Republic to intensify its efforts to expedite in-country movements of chemical weapons material;

--The Security Council noted the Secretary-General and Joint Mission's assessment that the Syrian Arab Republic has sufficient material and equipment necessary to carry out multiple ground movements to ensure the expeditious removal of chemical weapons material, and noted the substantial international support already provided for the removal of chemical weapons materials from the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic;

--Finally, the Security Council expressed its commitment to continue to closely monitor compliance with resolution 2118 (2013) with less than five months until the date for completing destruction of 30 June 2014 established in the OPCW Executive Council decision of 15 November 2013, which is a deadline that Security Council members remain committed to seeing met.


Mr. Chairman,

The United States fully supported the press elements by the UN Security Council chairman on February 6th and reaffirms that position today. In that regard, I would like to underscore the final element and make clear the position of the United States. It was the decision of this Council on November 15th that destruction -- not just removal -- of Syrian chemical weapons must be completed by June 30, 2014. Despite Syria’s inaction, the experts in the OPCW’s Operational Planning Group agreed last week that completion of removal and destruction by June 30, 2014 is indeed achievable if action is taken by Syria now.

The international community has put into place everything that is necessary for transport and destruction of these chemicals. Sufficient equipment and material has been provided to Syria. The ships to carry the chemicals away from Syria are waiting. The U.S. ship to destroy CW agent and precursors is now in the region and waiting. Commercial facilities to destroy other chemicals have been selected and contracts awarded; they are waiting. And yet Syria continues to drag its feet.


Mr. Chairman,

The Council should endorse all of the statements made by the President of the UN Security Council on February 6th, and reaffirm the June 30, 2014, date for removal and destruction of all Syrian chemical weapons. Further, this Council should reject Syria’s delaying tactics and insist that an expedited removal schedule be adhered to by the Syrian Government that will provide the international community sufficient time to destroy Syria’s chemical weapons by June 30, 2014.


Mr. Chairman,

At our meeting on January 30th, the United States called this Council’s attention to another serious issue – the destruction of Syrian chemical weapons production facilities (CWPF). Syria has proposed that seven hardened aircraft shelters and five underground structures previously used in connection with the production of chemical weapons be “inactivated,” by rendering them inaccessible. As detailed in a U.S. national paper and underscored by other members of this Council, Syria’s proposed measures would be readily and easily reversible within days. Thus, they clearly do not meet the requirement that such facilities be “physically destroyed” under the Convention and as implemented by the other States Parties that have declared chemical weapons production facilities. In an effort to resolve this impasse, the United States has engaged Syrian officials at the OPCW on several occasions, most recently a week ago. No progress has been made. Syria has flatly rejected U.S. efforts to find compromises for achieving the “physical destruction” requirement.


Mr. Chairman,

The deadline set by this Council for the destruction of Syria’s twelve chemical weapons production facilities is March 15 – just three weeks from today. Apparently, the Syrian Government intends to ignore yet another requirement set by the Council. This Council, however, cannot ignore the completion dates it established in its consensus decisions.

The United States believes the Council needs to address this issue, and we are considering a draft decision for the Seventy-Fifth Session of the Executive Council to address this impending situation. The United States believes this decision needs to have two principal components:

-- First, with respect to the seven hardened aircraft shelters, this Council should require that Syria by March 15 collapse the roofs using precision explosives. The United States has carefully analyzed this approach and concluded that it would meet the Convention standard for physical destruction in an expedited and cost-effective manner.

-- Second, with respect to the five underground structures, this Council, noting the additional technical challenges they entail, should extend the deadline for destruction but only on the condition that specified measures be undertaken by Syria first to inactivate them and then to physically destroy the entire underground structure.


Mr. Chairman,

In about ten days, this Council will convene in regular session and the Syrian CW situation will dominate our deliberations. This intervening period provides an opportunity for the Syrian Government to chart a new course – one that would allow Syria to meet its obligations in accordance with the decisions of this Council and UN Security Council resolution 2118. Over the next ten days, Syria should take the following actions to demonstrate its commitment to complying with its obligations. Syria should begin making substantial and systematic deliveries of liquid Priority One agent and precursors to Latakia. Syria should revise its 100-day transport schedule to embrace the recommendations developed by the OPCW, the UN, and others in the Operational Planning Group to expedite removal. And finally, Syria should withdraw its proposal to merely inactivate its CWPF aircraft shelters and underground structures, and agree to a true destruction plan.


Mr. Chairman,

If Syria does not soon undertake decisive action to fully comply with its obligations, this Council at its March regular session should require Syria to meet the expedited schedule for removal developed by the Operational Planning Group, with the goal of ensuring that the June 30th deadline for removal and destruction will be met. Further, the Council should adopt a decision to reinforce the Convention's requirement that Syrian CWPF aircraft shelters and underground structures be physically destroyed. We must take seriously the decisions of this Council and the requirements of the Convention, even if the Syrian Government does not.


Mr. Chairman,

The weeks ahead will be critical for the success of this historic endeavor. The United States urges Syria to finally make a course correction and fully comply with its obligations. If not, this Council, and indeed the broader international community, will need to consider the steps that will need to be taken to ensure that the promise of our September 27, 2013, decision and UN Security Council resolution 2118 are realized, and chemical weapons are forever removed from the hands of the Assad regime.


Mr. Chairman,

I request that this statement be made an official document of the meeting and posted on the OPCW website and external server.

Thank you, Mister Chairman.

Monday, May 27, 2013

SECRETARY OF DEFENSE HAGEL PRAISES NETHERLANDS FOR SUPPORT

 
Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel welcomes Dutch Defense Minister Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert upon her arrival at the Pentagon for defense talks, May 22, 2013. DOD photo by U.S. Marine Corps Sgt. Aaron Hostutler
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
Hagel Hails Netherlands as Strong U.S., NATO Partner

American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, May 22, 2013 - Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel hosted the Netherlands' Minister of Defense Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert at the Pentagon today, Pentagon Press Secretary George Little said.

Little said Hagel strongly emphasized the importance of the Netherlands as both a bilateral partner and North Atlantic Treaty Organization ally, and on behalf of the Department of Defense, reemphasized the commitment of the U.S. to the strong United States-Netherlands defense partnership.

Hagel and Minister Hennis-Plasschaert discussed a range of issues, including the Joint Strike Fighter program, NATO's role in post-2014 Afghanistan, and Syria, Little said.

On JSF, Hagel underscored U.S. commitment to the program and encouraged continued cooperation between the U.S. and the Netherlands in its development, Little said.

Hagel thanked Minister Hennis-Plasschaert for the Netherlands' decision to support the NATO Patriot missile deployment to Turkey, Little said, and he stressed the need for continued international cooperation on the ongoing crisis in Syria.

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