Showing posts with label GENEVA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label GENEVA. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 3, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS AFTER ADDRESSING UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL IN GENEVA, SWITZERLAND

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at a Press Availability
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Palais des Nations
Geneva, Switzerland
March 2, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, good afternoon, everybody, and thank you. And I apologize for keeping you waiting for a few minutes.

A little while ago, as I think you know, I had the opportunity to address the UN Human Rights Council here in Geneva. And since the United States made the decision to re-engage on the council, we have worked hard to try to drive a number of significant steps to be able to bring new levels of international attention to some of the world’s most egregious human rights violations, and also to focus on some of the worst abusers – particularly, obviously, we have focused on North Korea and Syria.

We’ve also worked hard to try to create new mechanisms that explore and address serious human rights infringements on the freedom of assembly, expression, and religion, and the rights of LGBT people. And as many of you know, just the other day, I had the privilege of making the appointment for Randy Berry as the first special envoy for global LGBT rights for the State Department.

Because of the important progress that we have seen over the course of the past five years, the United States very much continues to believe in the potential of the Human Rights Council, and we’re dedicated to try to work for its success. At the same time, however, as I mentioned earlier, we recognize that there are places where it needs to improve, and most notably, as I cited earlier, has been the excessive bias, in our judgment, on one country, on Israel. So we wanted to make it clear today that we think that that is an impediment that stands in the way of the progress that should be achieved here when we look at the wide array of the world’s ills and the many challenges that we need to speak out on with respect to human rights.

I made it clear that the United States will oppose any effort by any group or any participant to abuse the UN system in order to delegitimize or isolate Israel. And we think it’s important that for the right – for the council to be able to achieve the breadth of goals that it is faced with – the breadth of the – to address the breadth of the challenges that it currently faces, it really needs to break out of an older mold and begin to put the time and energy and major focus on some of those most egregious situations. And that is really what has happened within the Council over the course of the last five years, particularly if you look at the commission of inquiry work that has been done with respect to the DPRK and other work it has done.

I also met this morning with Foreign Minister Lavrov. And we spent a fair amount of time discussing Syria, Ukraine, ISIS, and Iran. I reiterated the urgency of Russia’s leaders and the separatists that they back implementing the full measure of the commitments under the Minsk agreements and to implement them everywhere, including in Debaltseve, outside Mariupol, and in other key strategic areas. And I underscored this morning that if that does not happen, if there continue to be these broad swaths of noncompliance, or there continues to be a cherry-picking as to where heavy equipment will be moved back from without knowing where it’s been moved to, or if the OSCE is not able to adequately be able to gain the access necessary, then there would be inevitably further consequences that will place added strain on Russia’s already troubled economy. Now, obviously, Ukraine is just one of the issues, as I mentioned, that we focused on. And it’s only one of the issues, frankly, on which the United States and Russia together are focused.

This morning, Foreign Minister Lavrov and I also spoke at some length about Syria. The situation in Syria actually grows worse, if that’s possible for people to imagine. Almost three-quarters of the entire country is now displaced people – half of them refugees in mostly Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, but many of them displaced within the country and unable to move because of ISIL, Daesh, al-Nusrah, the regime, or some other extremist group.

So we spoke at length about steps that might be able to be taken in order to try to see if there is a potential of common ground. And we agreed that there is no military solution; we agreed there is a need for a political solution; and we agreed on the need of those countries who have been supporting people in this endeavor, in this conflict, to be able to search yet again to see whether or not there is a path either to Geneva 1 or to some hybrid or some means of ending the violence. And one of the things that drives that interest, that common interest, is the reality of Daesh, the reality of what is happening to Syria as a result of the presence of Daesh there and its use of Syria as a base for spreading its evil to other places.

We also talked about the Iran nuclear negotiations, where we are, together with the other P5+1 members – where we are all focused simultaneously on the need to elicit from Iran answers to questions about their nuclear program – not just answers for today, but answers that are capable of lasting well into the future in order to be able to provide people with a confidence that the program is, indeed, a peaceful nuclear program.

We continue to believe, all the members of the P5+1, that the best way to deal with the questions surrounding this nuclear program is to find a comprehensive deal, but not a deal that comes at any cost, not a deal just for the purpose of a deal; a deal that meets the test of providing the answers and the guarantees that are needed in order to know that the four pathways to a nuclear bomb have been closed off. And that is the task. And we hope it is possible to get there, but there is no guarantee.

Sanctions alone are not going to provide that solution. What needs to happen is that Iran needs to provide a verifiable set of commitments that its program is in fact peaceful. And that average people and experts alike looking at that verifiable set of commitments have confidence that they are sustainable, that they are real, and that they will provide the answers and guarantees well into the future.

Any deal must close every potential pathway that Iran has towards fissile material, whether it’s uranium, plutonium, or a covert path. The fact is only a good, comprehensive deal in the end can actually check off all of those boxes.

Now, I want to be clear about two things. Right now, no deal exists, no partial deal exists. And unless Iran is able to make the difficult decisions that will be required, there won’t be a deal. Nothing is agreed until everything is agreed. That is the standard by which this negotiation is taking place, and anyone who tells you otherwise is simply misinformed.

Now, we are concerned by reports that suggest selective details of the ongoing negotiations will be discussed publicly in the coming days. I want to say clearly that doing so would make it more difficult to reach the goal that Israel and others say they share in order to get a good deal. Israel’s security is absolutely at the forefront of all of our minds, but frankly, so is the security of all the other countries in the region, so is our security in the United States. And we are very clear that as we negotiate with Iran, if we are able to reach the kind of deal that we’re hoping for, then it would have to be considered in its entirety and measured against alternatives.

Second – I cannot emphasize this enough. I have said this from the first moment that I become engaged in this negotiating process, President Obama has said this repeatedly: We will not accept a bad deal. We have said no deal is better than a bad deal, because a bad deal could actually make things less secure and more dangerous. Any deal that we would possibly agree to would make the international community, and especially Israel, safer than it is today. That’s our standard. So our team is working very hard to close remaining gaps, to reach a deal that ensures Iran’s nuclear program is exclusively and verifiably peaceful, and we have made some progress, but we still have a long way to go and the clock is ticking.

That’s why I will leave here momentarily to head to Montreux to meet with Foreign Minister Zarif and continue the negotiations. And in the days and weeks ahead, we’re going to answer a very simple question. We’re going to find out whether or not Iran is willing to make the hard choices that are necessary to get where we need to be. I’m happy to take a few of your questions.

MS. PSAKI: Michael Gordon, New York Times. Right over here.

QUESTION: Sir, Minister Lavrov asserted in his address that the ceasefire in Ukraine was being consolidated, but you made clear that Russia cannot expect to consolidate its gains in Debaltseve and avoid economic sanctions. Did Minister Lavrov offer you any assurances that Russia would arrange for the separatists to pull back from Debaltseve? And how long is the Obama Administration prepared to wait before imposing those additional sanctions you’ve been talking about? And did he have any response to your assertion to Congress last week that Russians have lied to your face?

And lastly, you’re meeting shortly with Foreign Minister Zarif on the Iran issues. You told Congress last week that you hoped to know soon, “whether or not Iran is willing to put together an acceptable and verifiable plan.” What do you need to hear from Mr. Zarif today, and what do you need to get done over the next three days to stay on track for the framework accord? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Michael, first of all regarding Russia, it’s clear from the conversations that I’ve had with President Poroshenko as well as with Foreign Minister Lavrov, and the conversations that we’ve had in Washington in the aftermath of the Minsk negotiations, that there was not a clarity with respect to Debaltseve, which we obviously saw play out in the drama of the soldiers who were left there and who were fighting and who eventually fought their way out, with many being killed. What is critical here is that the maps that were agreed to show several different areas of drawback on both sides from the line of contact and according to the size of the weapon, the gauge of a particular weapon, they have to pull back different amounts.

Right now, the OSCE has complained to us, at least, that they have not been granted full access to be able to make those judgments, and particularly the end zones as to where items that have been withdrawn have actually been placed, whether they’ve been placed there or not.

So there’s been a kind of cherry picking, a piecemeal selectivity to the application of the Minsk agreements. And as we all know, shooting, shelling has still been going on and people have still been killed over the course of these last days. So there is not yet a full ceasefire, and it’s extremely difficult for the full measure of the Minsk agreement, which includes a political component, to begin to be implemented until you actually have the full measure of security that comes with OSCE monitoring and an actual ceasefire. So our hope is that in the next hours, certainly not more than days, this will be fully implemented. I might add, a convoy that came through from Russia passed across the border into the eastern part of Ukraine without being properly inspected also.

So these are the issues I raised with the foreign minister. He assured me that they are intent on seeing to it that the accord – that the agreements are, in fact, implemented. He said he would get back to me with respect to a number of the issues that I raised. And our hope is, indeed, that this will prove to be a road to further de-escalation rather than a road to disappointment, potential deception, and further violence. But that’s going to have to play out, obviously, over the course of the next few days. So I’m very hopeful that it will, in fact, be the start of a change which would be an improvement for everybody.

With respect to Iran, I really just articulated – I just said it – France doesn’t have to answer questions here, Germany doesn’t have to answer questions here, Great Britain doesn’t have to, China doesn’t, Russia doesn’t, the United States doesn’t. We’re not the ones who have been pursuing a program outside of international norms. Iran has posed the questions over the course of time sufficient to invite United Nations sanctions, United Nations Security Council resolution, and IAEA outstanding questions. Iran needs to answer those questions and Iran needs to give confidence to the world that its many articulations of a peaceful program can have the confidence of verification. Every arms agreement in history has been subject to verification to clear levels of access and knowledge and insight, transparency, that allow people to be able to measure that program.

And one of the reasons I make it clear to people that we’re not going to accept a bad deal is because we know that whatever agreement is reached here doesn’t suddenly get stuffed in a drawer and put away and disappear to be implemented; it is going to be scrutinized by people all over the world – leaders of countries, scientists, nuclear experts, every NGO involved in nonproliferation – not to mention, obviously, all the countries in the region most affected by the choices we are making, and all of the members of the United States Congress House and Senate.

This is going to be highly judged and we’re aware of that, and frankly, we would be either – well, I’m not going to – we just – we’re not about to jump into something that we don’t believe can get the job done. Now, there may be disagreements; if somebody believes that any kind of program is wrong, then we have a fundamental disagreement. And clearly, sanctions are not going to eliminate just any kind of program. You can’t bomb knowledge into oblivion unless you kill everybody. You can’t bomb it away. People have a knowledge here. The question is: Can you provide an adequate level of the management of intrusive inspections; structured, tough requirements; limitations; all the insights necessary to be able to know to a certainty that the program is, in fact, peaceful?

That’s what the IAEA was set up to be there for, that’s what the NPT is, that’s what the additional protocol – the NPT is. There are all kinds of tested components of this. This isn’t happening at first blush. This has been in effect for a long time with a lot of countries, and there are ways to be able to make certain that a program is peaceful and the test – what we’re looking for in the next days, Michael, is adequate satisfaction that this program is, in fact, going to be complying with its own promises, that it is a purely peaceful nuclear program.

MS. PSAKI: Frédéric Koller from Le Temps.

QUESTION: Yes, thank you. You just said on Iran that sanctions cannot eliminate problems. And I would like to know – with the Ukrainian situation, it seems the conflict in Ukraine becomes more and more conflict between Russia and Western countries – Russia and United States. And I would like to know how to deal with these problems, knowing that United States threatens now Russia with more sanctions if the Minsk agreement is not implemented. And a few years ago, you were here in the – at the hotel – Intercontinental Hotel, and you started – well, it was Hillary Clinton at the time who started with this reset policy with Russia. What went wrong with Russia? And how to deal now with Russia? Comprehensive agreement somehow is needed between Russia and United States, I guess to deal with --

SECRETARY KERRY: How what? I’m sorry. I missed the last part. How to?

QUESTION: How to deal with Russia. We understand that Russia needs something more to build a new confidence with the United States and Western countries. When we hear Mr. Lavrov this morning at the Human Rights Council, he has very strong statement against United States and its values – it’s kind of clash of values. How to deal with today’s Russia?

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, it may be a clash of realities. I don’t see it as a clash of values. It seems to me that on sanctions, there’s a real distinction between sanctions that are calculated to have an impact on a nuclear program which is one set of choices for a particular country, and sanctions which are broadly adopted by many nations because of a violation of a norm of international law and which particularly have an impact on the – particularly have an impact on Russia’s choices at this particular moment, given a lot of other variables like oil prices, other exigencies that Russia faces.

So sanctions have obviously had a significant impact on Russia, and you try to use them in order to make a point about the choices that are available. And in the case of Russia, the ruble has gone down 50 percent, there’s been about $151 billion of capital flight, the bonds of Russia are now judged to be junk bonds, and the economic predictions are that Russia will be going into recession this year. So it’s obviously had a profound impact, but not sufficient that President Putin has decided that he isn’t going to pursue his particular strategy. It may change at some point in the future, but those are the things you have to weigh in deciding what alternative policies you may pursue or what alternative choices may be available.

I suspect that President Putin, as the months go on, is going to have to really weigh those things. And we’ve tried to make it clear to him and particularly to the Russian people we’re not doing this to hurt the people of Russia, we’re not doing this to make life difficult for all Russians. We’re doing this to try to affect the choices that their leaders are making in order to uphold the norms of international law. We’re here in a UN facility, and the United Nations is critical to the upholding of international standards of behavior. And the world has worked hard since World War II to try to adhere to a set of global norms of behavior, particularly with respect to respect for territorial integrity.

One of the cries that came out of the World War II experience was we can’t allow nations to make land grabs running over the territorial integrity of external borders, as we saw in the period leading up to and then during World War II. So we’ve really ingrained in international behavior this notion of the value of international borders and of upholding the sovereignty and integrity of nation states. That sovereignty and integrity has been violated over the course of the last months, and that’s the purpose of the sanctions that we put in place.

But our hope is, obviously, that we can get back to a better place of cooperation with Russia. I personally – I think President Putin misinterprets a great deal of what the United States has been doing and has tried to do. We are not involved in multiple color revolutions, as he asserts, nor are we involved in a particularly personal way here. We are trying to uphold the international law with respect to the sovereignty and integrity of another nation. And others have joined us. The fact is that Europe has the same sense of commitment to this. And our hope is that we can persuade President Putin and Russia that we’re prepared to cooperate with them as soon as they are genuinely prepared to uphold the agreements that they signed and to live by these international standards.

We have happily been able to find cooperation continue on other issues. Russia has been helpful in the context of the P5+1 talks. Russia was extremely engaged and essential in our success in getting chemical weapons out of Syria in the arrangement that we reached right here in Geneva. And we were able to work together to do that. Russia is sitting with us even now, as I discussed with you, and talking about ways we might – might, I underscore – be able to try to make some progress with respect to Syria and with respect to Daesh.

So even in the midst of this major disagreement over Ukraine, we are still finding ways to cooperate together, and I hope that if we can work through Ukraine, we will get back to a place where we are finding more to be able to cooperate on and less to disagree on. And I’m not going to get into resets or non-resets, but I think that sometimes events get in the way of the best-laid policies. But both countries have indicated, I think, a maturity with respect to the willingness to try to find ways to cooperate notwithstanding this fundamental disagreement over Ukraine.

MS. PSAKI: Unfortunately, we need to get on the road for our next meeting, so this will conclude this press availability. Thank you, everyone.

Wednesday, May 7, 2014

U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT REMARKS NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT AND SECURITY NPT CLUSTER 1

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

NPT Cluster 1: Nuclear Disarmament and Security: U.S. Statement

Remarks
Christopher Buck, Deputy Chief of Mission, Delegation to the Conference on Disarmament Permanent Mission, Geneva
Third Meeting of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference
United Nations, New York City
May 2, 2014


(As Delivered)

Mr. Chairman,

I am pleased to provide an update on ongoing U.S. activities in fulfillment of our obligations and commitments under Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the 2010 NPT Action Plan. In this context, I highlight the extensive report that the United States has submitted to this Preparatory Committee meeting, consistent with Actions 5, 20, and 21 of the 2010 NPT Action Plan.

U.S. policy is to achieve the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. This remains a central element of President Obama’s nuclear agenda, and we are working to create conditions that can enable its eventual achievement by pursuing a multifaceted, step-by-step approach incorporating national, bilateral, and multilateral actions.

It is because we understand the consequences of the use of nuclear weapons that the United States continues to devote considerable resources in a decades-long effort to reduce and ultimately eliminate nuclear weapons. There is no “quick fix” to achieving nuclear disarmament. There is no path other than the hard, daily work of verifiable step-by-step disarmament to which we remain resolutely committed.

In line with our support for the NPT, in 2010 the United States changed our nuclear posture to further reduce the number and role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy and emphasize the interest of all nations in extending the 69-year record of non-use of nuclear weapons. The President also made it clear that the United States will not develop new nuclear warheads nor will we pursue new military missions for nuclear weapons.

This important shift in U.S. nuclear posture has taken place against the backdrop of dramatic and ongoing reductions in our nuclear arsenal. In fact, when the NPT entered into force in 1970, the United States had a nuclear stockpile of over 26,000 nuclear weapons. As Under Secretary Gottemoeller announced on Tuesday, the U.S. nuclear stockpile now has been reduced to 4,804 warheads, which reflects an 85% decrease from its Cold War peak. During this period, the United States reduced its non-strategic nuclear warheads by 90 percent. To lend a better sense of the scale of this ongoing activity in the post-Cold War period, between 1994 and 2013, the United States dismantled 9,952 nuclear warheads.

Moreover, this effort continues as we fulfill our obligations under the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) between the United States and Russia, now in its fourth year of implementation. When the Treaty limits are reached in 2018, the strategic forces of the United States and Russia will be capped at 1,550 deployed strategic warheads, their lowest level since the 1950s.

Contrary to the view expressed by some in this hall, we do not regard the achievement of nuclear disarmament as simply a rhetorical goal. It is one the United States is working on and pursuing every day.

And this work is not done. As outlined by President Obama in Berlin in June 2013, the United States remains open to negotiate further reductions with Russia in all categories of nuclear weapons – including strategic and non-strategic nuclear weapons.

We are also developing effective verification methodologies and processes that will be essential as we move toward increasingly smaller nuclear arsenals. Our experience with verified bilateral nuclear disarmament provides valuable experience and useful tools for multilateral nuclear disarmament approaches in the future. To that end, we are working closely with all NPT nuclear weapon states (or “P5”) to lay the foundation for future arms control agreements with participants beyond Russia and the United States.

Within the P5 process we have institutionalized regular dialogue on nuclear weapons-related issues. China hosted a fifth P5 Conference in Beijing on April 14 and 15, and the United Kingdom has agreed to host a sixth conference next year. Through these high-level conferences and frequent expert-level meetings, the P5 were able to reach consensus on a framework for reporting to this PrepCom in accordance with their commitments in the Action Plan. P5 CTBT experts have held productive discussions on ways they can collaborate in strengthening the CTBT monitoring regime. And the P5 Working Group on Nuclear Terms and Definitions, chaired by China, has made progress on the development of a P5 nuclear terms glossary.

The significance of this work should not be underestimated. P5 engagement is a long-term investment to strengthen and advance the NPT, build trust and create a stronger foundation to achieve the Treaty’s disarmament and nonproliferation goals. In addition, the United States and the United Kingdom are conducting a joint project to further develop verification procedures and technologies, which we will brief today at 1:15 p.m. in the North Lawn Building, Conference Room 5.

Turning to the broader multilateral context, the United States supports the immediate commencement of negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT), which is the next logical and necessary step toward achieving our shared disarmament goals. A verifiable ban on the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons is necessary if we are to create conditions for a world without nuclear weapons. All states can contribute to achieving this goal. We are disappointed that the Conference on Disarmament (CD) has been unable to initiate negotiations on an FMCT. Even as we continue our efforts in the CD, the United States is actively engaged in the meeting of the FMCT Group of Governmental Experts (GGE), which can usefully complement efforts to promote negotiations of an FMCT in the CD.

In another important multilateral effort, the ratification and entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) remains a top priority for the U.S. Administration. Our active involvement in all activities of the CTBT Organization’s Preparatory Commission clearly demonstrates our ongoing commitment to the Treaty and the vital importance the United States attaches to completing the verification regime. The United States recognizes that the voluntary adherence to unilateral nuclear testing moratoria is no substitute for a legally binding prohibition against the conduct of such explosions. Entry into force of the CTBT is in the security interests of every nation. All States have an important role to play in providing the necessary resources to complete the Treaty’s verification regime and maximize the capabilities of the Provisional Technical Secretariat.

Mr. Chairman,

The United States recognizes the importance of security assurances in the context of the NPT. Accordingly, the United States updated and strengthened its long-standing negative security assurance policy in the context of the U.S. Nuclear Posture Review published in April 2010. The United States declared that it will not use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon States that are party to the NPT and in compliance with their nuclear nonproliferation obligations. It was also made clear that the United States would only consider the use of nuclear weapons in extreme circumstances to defend the vital interests of the United States or our allies and partners.

The United States also supports well-crafted nuclear-weapon-free zones (NWFZs) that are vigorously enforced and developed in accordance with the guidelines adopted by the United Nations Disarmament Commission. We are a Party to both Protocols of the Treaty of Tlatelolco and in recent years the United States has worked toward extending legally binding negative security assurances by submitting for ratification the protocols to the African and South Pacific nuclear-weapon-free zones. We are pleased to note that the United States and other NPT nuclear weapon states will soon sign the Protocol to the Central Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty. The nuclear weapon states are also engaging ASEAN to resolve any remaining differences so that we can sign the revised Protocol to the Southeast Asia nuclear-weapon-free zone. These actions are a priority for us.

Mr. Chairman,

The United States is committed to achieving a world without nuclear weapons, and we are dedicated to working with all NPT States Parties to make that goal a reality. The pursuit of our shared goal will require patience and persistence from all of us. But we are confident in our purpose, and strengthened in both our methods and morale by the tremendous progress we have made thus far.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Friday, April 25, 2014

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS ON UKRAINE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks on Ukraine
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
State Department Press Briefing Room
Washington, DC
April 24, 2014

It has now been a week since the United States, the European Union, Russia, and Ukraine met in Geneva.  We did so after a phone call between President Putin and President Obama, in which both leaders expressed a desire to avoid further escalation in Ukraine.  We met in Geneva with a clear mission: to improve security conditions and find political solutions to the conflict threatening the sovereignty and unity of Ukraine.  And right there in Geneva, EU High Representative Ashton and I made clear that both Russia and Ukraine had to demonstrate more than good faith.  They needed to take concrete actions in order to meet their commitments.

The simple reality is you can’t resolve a crisis when only one side is willing to do what is necessary to avoid a confrontation.  Every day since we left Geneva – every day, even up to today, when Russia sent armored battalions right up the Luhansk Oblast border – the world has witnessed a tale of two countries, two countries with vastly different understandings of what it means to uphold an international agreement.

One week later, it is clear that only one side, one country, is keeping its word.  And for anyone who wants to create gray areas out of black, or find in the fine print crude ways to justify crude actions, let’s get real – the Geneva agreement is not open to interpretation.  It is not vague.  It is not subjective.  It is not optional.  What we agreed to in Geneva is as simple as it is specific.

We agreed that all sides would refrain from violence, intimidation, and taking provocative actions.  We agreed that illegal groups would lay down their arms and that, in exchange for amnesty, they would hand over the public buildings and spaces that they occupied.  We agreed that to implement these objectives – and this is important, to implement this – monitors from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe would have unfettered access to parts of Ukraine where they were needed most.  And we agreed that all parties would work to create that access and to provide help to the OSCE in order to do this.  We agreed that the OSCE would report from the ground whether the rights, security, and dignity of Ukrainian citizens was being protected.

From day one, the Government of Ukraine started making good on its commitments – from day one.  From day one, Prime Minister Yatsenyuk has kept his word.  He immediately agreed to help vacate buildings.  He suspended Ukraine’s counterterrorism initiative over Easter, choosing de-escalation, despite Ukraine’s legitimate, fundamental right to defend its own territory and its own people.  From day one, the Ukrainian Government sent senior officials to work with the OSCE, in keeping with the agreement, to send them to work in regions where Russia had voiced its most urgent concerns about the security of Russian speakers and ethnic Russians.  And on day one, Prime Minister Yatsenyuk went on live television and committed his government publicly to all of the people of Ukraine that – and these are his words – committed them to undertake comprehensive constitutional reform that will strengthen the powers of the regions.  He directly addressed the concerns expressed by the Russians, and he did so on day one.

He also made a personal appeal to Russian-speaking Ukrainians, pledging to support – and again, these are his words – a special status to the Russian language and the protection of the language.  And in keeping with his Geneva commitments, Prime Minister Yatsenyuk has publicly announced amnesty legislation – once more, in his words – for all those who surrender arms, come out of the premises and will begin with the Ukrainian people to build a sovereign and independent Ukraine.  That is a promise made by the interim government to the people of Ukraine.

And by complying with actions requested by Russia, like removing the barricades in the Maidan and cleaning up the square and ensuring that all ongoing demonstrations in Kyiv are actually government-approved and peaceful, Ukraine is thereby taking tangible, concrete steps to move beyond the division of the last months.  That is how a government defines keeping your word.  That is leadership that upholds both the spirit and the letter of a Geneva agreement.

The world has rightly judged that Prime Minister Yatsenyuk and the Government of Ukraine are working in good faith.  And the world, sadly, has rightly judged that Russia has put its faith in distraction, deception, and destabilization.  For seven days, Russia has refused to take a single concrete step in the right direction.  Not a single Russian official, not one, has publicly gone on television in Ukraine and called on the separatists to support the Geneva agreement, to support the stand-down, to give up their weapons, and get out of the Ukrainian buildings.  They have not called on them to engage in that activity.

In fact, the propaganda bullhorn that is the state-sponsored Russia Today program, has been deployed to promote – actually, Russia Today network – has deployed to promote President Putin’s fantasy about what is playing out on the ground.  They almost spend full time devoted to this effort to propagandize and to distort what is happening or not happening in Ukraine.  Instead, in plain sight, Russia continues to fund, coordinate, and fuel a heavily armed separatist movement in Donetsk.

Meanwhile, Russian leaders are making increasingly outrageous claims to justify their action – that the CIA invented the internet in order to control the world or that the forces occupying buildings, armed to the teeth, wearing brand new matching uniforms and moving in disciplined military formation, are merely local activists seeking to exercise their legitimate rights.  That is absurd, and there is no other word to describe it.

But in the 21st century, where every citizen can broadcast messages, images, and video from the palm of their hand, no amount of propaganda is capable of hiding such actions.  No amount of propaganda will hide the truth, and the truth is there in the social media and across the pages of newspapers and in the video of televisions for all of the world to see.  No amount of propaganda can withstand that kind of scrutiny today.

The world knows that peaceful protesters don’t come armed with grenade launchers and automatic weapons, the latest issue from the Russian arsenal, hiding the insignias on their brand new matching military uniforms, and speaking in dialects that every local knows comes from thousands of miles away.  The world knows that the Russian intelligence operatives arrested in Ukraine didn’t just take a wrong turn on the highway.  In fact, we have seen soldiers wearing uniforms identical to the ones Russian soldiers wore in Crimea last month.

As international observers on the ground have borne witness, prior to Russia’s escalation, there was no violence.  There was no broad-scale assault on the rights of people in the east.  Ukraine was largely stable and peaceful, including in the south and the east.  Even as we were preparing to meet in Geneva, we know that the Russian intelligence services were involved in organizing local pro-Russian militias.  And during the week leading up to the Geneva meetings, separatists seized at least 29 buildings.  This is one more example of how Russia is stoking the very instability that they say they want to quell.

And in the weeks since this agreement, we have seen even more violence visited upon Ukrainians.  Right after we left Geneva, separatists seized TV and radio stations that broadcast in the Ukrainian language.  The mayor of Slovyansk was kidnapped the very day after the parties committed to end the violence and intimidations.  Two days ago, one journalist was kidnapped and another went missing, bringing the total number of kidnapped journalists into the double digits.  That same day, two dead bodies were found near Slovyansk.  One of them was a city councilmember who had been knocked unconscious and thrown in a river with a weighted backpack strapped to him.

The Government of Ukraine has reported the arrest of Russian intelligence agents, including one yesterday who it says was responsible for establishing secure communications allowing Russia to coordinate destabilizing activities in Ukraine.  And then, just this morning, separatist forces tried to overrun another arms depot.

Having failed to postpone Ukraine’s elections, having failed to halt a legitimate political process, Russia has instead chosen an illegitimate course of armed violence to try and achieve with the barrel of a gun and the force of a mob what couldn’t be achieved any other way.  They’ve tried to create enough chaos in the east to delay or delegitimize the elections, or to force Ukraine to accept a federalism that gives Russia control over its domestic and foreign policies, or even force Ukraine to overreact and create an excuse for military intervention.  This is a full-throated effort to actively sabotage the democratic process through gross external intimidation that has brought inside Ukraine, and it is worse even.

We have seen this movie before.  We saw it most recently in Crimea, where similar subterfuge and sabotage by Russia was followed by a full invasion – an invasion, by the way, for which President Putin recently decorated Russian special forces at the Kremlin.

Now Russia claims that all of this is exaggerated, or even orchestrated, that Ukrainians can’t possibly be calling for a government free of corruption and coercion.  Russia is actually mystified to see Ukraine’s neighbors and likeminded free people all over the world united with Ukrainians who want to build a better life and choose their leaders for themselves, by themselves.

Nobody should doubt Russia’s hand in this.  As NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander in Europe wrote this week, “What is happening in eastern Ukraine is a military operation that is well planned and organized and we assess that it is being carried out at the direction of Russia.”  Our intelligence community tells me that Russia’s intelligence and military intelligence services and special operators are playing an active role in destabilizing eastern Ukraine with personnel, weapons, money, operational planning, and coordination.  The Ukrainians have intercepted and publicized command-and-control conversations from known Russian agents with their separatist clients in Ukraine.  Some of the individual special operations personnel, who were active on Russia’s behalf in Chechnya, Georgia, and Crimea have been photographed in Slovyansk, Donetsk, and Luhansk.  Some are even bragging about it by themselves on their Russian social media sites.  And we’ve seen weapons and gear on the separatists that matches those worn and used by Russian special forces.

So following today’s threatening movement of Russian troops right up to Ukraine’s border, let me be clear:  If Russia continues in this direction, it will not just be a grave mistake, it will be an expensive mistake.  Already the international response to the choices made by Russia’s leaders is taking its toll on Russia’s economy.  Prime Minister Medvedev has alluded to the cost Russia is already paying.  Even President Putin has acknowledged it.

As investors’ confidence dwindles, some $70 billion in capital has fled the Russian financial system in the first quarter of 2014, more than all of last year.  Growth estimates for 2014 have been revised downward by two to three percentage points.  And this follows a year in which GDP growth was already the lowest since 2009.  Meanwhile, the Russian Central Bank has had to spend more than $20 billion to defend the ruble, eroding Russia’s buffers against external shocks.  Make no mistake that what I’ve just described is really just a snapshot and is also, regrettably, a preview of how the free world will respond if Russia continues to escalate what they had promised to de-escalate.

Seven days, two opposite responses, and one truth that cannot be ignored:  The world will remain united for Ukraine.  So I will say it again.  The window to change course is closing.  President Putin and Russia face a choice.  If Russia chooses the path of de-escalation, the international community – all of us – will welcome it.  If Russia does not, the world will make sure that the cost for Russia will only grow.  And as President Obama reiterated earlier today, we are ready to act.

Wednesday, February 5, 2014

ROSE GOTTEMOELLER'S REMARKS AT UN CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT

FROM:  STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks to the UN Conference on Disarmament
Remarks
Rose Gottemoeller
Acting Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security 
Geneva, Switzerland
February 4, 2014

As Delivered

Mr. President, Acting Secretary-General Moeller, I am pleased to have this opportunity to address the Conference on Disarmament. To start, I would like to congratulate Israel and Ambassador Manor and his team on assuming the first Presidency of the 2014 CD session, and to thank them for their very dedicated efforts in guiding our deliberations. I would also like to extend our best wishes to the other CD Presidents for 2014 – Italy, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, and Malaysia. We look forward to working with all of you in the year ahead.

In his January 21 remarks to the Conference, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon spoke about the importance of substantive discussion in laying groundwork for future CD negotiations. The United States believes it is crucial for the CD to adopt a program of work, but we also believe we must continue to engage substantively with one another – both about the disarmament steps we are taking and the steps we hope to take next – as we work to break this body’s impasse.

As colleagues here are well aware, we stand ready to begin negotiations on an FMCT, the next logical – and necessary – step in creating the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons. It has been frustrating to watch the CD remain deadlocked over this issue, but negotiation of an FMCT is an essential prerequisite for global nuclear disarmament. In recognition of this fact, Action 15 of the 2010 NPT Review Conference Action Plan included an agreement that the CD should begin immediate negotiation of an FMCT. The United States will continue to urge negotiation of an FMCT in this body, convinced that FMCT negotiations at the CD will provide each member state the ability not only to protect, but also to enhance its national security. With that as our guiding conviction, we look forward to engaging fully in the upcoming meetings of the Group of Governmental Experts (GGE), with a view to providing further impetus to long-sought FMCT negotiations in the CD.

As disappointed as we are that a Program of Work for the CD remains elusive, we are not standing still. The United States has slashed its nuclear stockpile by 85% from Cold War levels. Under the New START Treaty, US and Russian deployed strategic nuclear warheads will decline to their lowest levels in over half a century. Recently, the US-Russia Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) Purchase Agreement culminated with the final shipment of low enriched uranium converted from the equivalent of 20,000 dismantled Russian nuclear warheads to fuel US nuclear reactors. Those former warheads have been providing ten percent of all US electricity. One in ten light bulbs in the U.S. are lit by former Soviet weapon material

Historic efforts like this one reflect the ongoing and significant progress we are making toward our Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Article VI commitments. Here I would add that there are no shortcuts to reaching our shared goal of a world without nuclear weapons. It is necessarily an incremental process that requires hard work by governments operating in the realm of supreme national and international security commitments impacting regional and global stability. The United States is expending tremendous effort to meet its commitments, and we look forward to continuing to engage the Russian Federation regarding issues of strategic stability and with a view to achieving further bilateral reductions.

Like many of you, we are preparing for the upcoming meeting of the NPT Third Preparatory Committee, where we look forward to discussing the important roles both nuclear weapons states and non-nuclear weapons states play in implementing the 2010 Action Plan, in anticipation of the 2015 NPT Review Conference. We are also preparing for the fifth P5 Conference, which we thank China for hosting this year.

The United States attaches great value to the P5 process. I like to stress, the importance of the P5 process is not what it can produce in the immediate-term, but rather what it means for the prospects of multilateral nuclear disarmament efforts in years to come. These conferences are an essential means for laying the foundation for future agreements that could involve parties beyond the United States and Russia. Most people understand that we and Russia likely will need to take some additional bilateral steps before our arsenals are to a level where other nuclear weapon states would be prepared to join us at the negotiating table. The work we are doing now in these conferences will help to ensure that when that day arrives, we will not be starting at square one. Our partners will have the opportunity to benefit from the experience we have gained and shared regarding how monitoring activities like on-site inspections can be conducted to gain an understanding about the technology required to conduct arms control activities and methods of information sharing that build confidence that treaty partners are adhering to the agreement.

We also hope this process will lead to cooperative work in addressing the significant verification challenges we will face as we move to lower numbers and categories of nuclear weapons beyond strategic weapons. The United States and the UK have begun some of this work on developing verification procedures and technologies, and we have briefed our P5 partners on the results. The P5 are uniquely positioned to engage in such research and development given their experience as nuclear weapon states. In the context of a P5 working group chaired by China, we continue to develop a common glossary of nuclear weapons-related terms. A glossary may not sound important or interesting, until you consider that verifiable multilateral nuclear disarmament will require clear agreement on the definitions and concepts for the vital aspects that must be covered in future treaties.

We continue to work to build support for ratification of the CTBT, making the case to our citizens and legislators that the Treaty will serve to enhance our collective security. We ask for the support of the international community in continuing to build and maintain the International Monitoring System and On-Site Inspection regime. As we make the case for the Treaty’s verifiability, this support will be crucial.

These are just a few of the practical measures we are taking to advance toward our shared goal. We celebrate the progress these step-by-step efforts have achieved, but we know we still have much work to do. We remain committed to fulfilling our obligations and working to take additional practical and meaningful steps. Like UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, the United States agrees the CD continues to possess promise. It must surmount its deadlock regarding a Program of Work, and in pursuit f that goal the United States is open to renewing the Informal Working Group. At the same time, we believe that CD member states should foster substantive discussions aimed at future progress, with a view to promoting the prospects for work on issues ripe for negotiation, above all, an FMCT. Like the Secretary General, we hope the CD helps to build “a safer world and a better future” because we also believe “that is its very mission.” Thank you.

Thursday, January 23, 2014

WHITE HOUSE BRIEFING FOR JANUARY 22, 2014

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE
Daily Briefing by the Press Secretary, 1/22/14

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

12:55 P.M. EST

MR. CARNEY:  Kind of feels like Monday, weirdly.  My kids still haven't gone to school this week.

Good afternoon.  I hope you're holding up in the wintry weather, today’s cold.  Before I take your questions I'd like to tell you that this morning the President and Vice President held a meeting in the Oval Office with Attorney General Holder, Secretaries Hagel, Sebelius and Duncan, and senior administration officials to discuss their commitment to combating rape and sexual assault in all settings.  During the meeting the President and Vice President reiterated their deep, personal interest in doing everything possible to root out these types of abuse and build on the steps their administration has taken to protect Americans from it.

They discussed the findings of a report issued by the White House Council on Women and Girls that was issued earlier today and identifies key areas to focus on as part of these continued efforts, including working to change social norms, improving criminal justice response, and protecting students from sexual assault.  Each of the Cabinet members briefed the President and Vice President on various actions their respective agencies are taking to lead a coordinated, comprehensive effort to combat sexual assault from the military to college campuses and beyond.
And later today, the President and Vice President and these Cabinet officials will join additional representatives of the Council on Women and Girls for a meeting in the East Room -- which I think you know -- where the President will sign a new presidential memorandum to establish the White House Task Force on Protecting Students from Sexual Assault.  In his meeting this morning, the President said that he looks forward to seeing recommendations from the task force within 90 days.

Working to combat rape and sexual assault in all settings has been a priority for the President and Vice President throughout their time in office, and these new efforts build on steps that this administration has taken to combat these crimes, including last year’s reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act, which the Vice President himself authored, and the series of executive actions that Secretary Hagel recently announced to address sexual assault in the military.

With that, I take your questions.  Julie.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  I have a couple questions about Iran and Syria.  I know the State Department has talked about this over the weekend, but what is the White House’s understanding of what happened with the Ban Ki-moon invitation to Iran to the Syria talks and then having to pull that invitation back?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I would refer you to the U.N. Secretary General for more detail about this.  I think he’s spoken to it and explained.  Our position never changed and remains today what it has always been, which in order to participate in the Geneva conference you need to endorse the Geneva Communiqué.  And the purpose of the Geneva II conference is the full implementation of that communique, including the establishment by mutual consent of a transitional governing body with full executive authorities.

So I would refer you to what Secretary General Ban has said on this issue.  Our position is clear.  And we're certainly following events in Montreux now as that conference has gotten underway.

Q    Is there any concern that any tension that was created through this invitation and pulling back the invitation might bleed over into the nuclear talks between the U.S. and Iran?

MR. CARNEY:  No.  I think that we have made clear and the P5-plus-1 in general have made clear that the focus of the implementation of the Joint Plan of Action and of the next step, the six-month process of trying to reach a comprehensive resolution of this matter, is on how we can persuade Iran to abide by its international commitments, how we can ensure that Iran will not obtain and cannot obtain a nuclear weapon.  There are other issues, very serious ones, in the Iran account that we have and that includes our profound differences over Syria and the fact that Iran has clearly played a negative role there and a violent role there.

Q    And on those talks, they’re off to a bit of a rocky start.  Does the administration see this round, Geneva II, as sort of the last, best chance to get Assad out?  And if this round of talks ends without a positive conclusion, where does the discussion on Syria go from here?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, first of all, I’d note that this is the beginning of what will be a tough and complicated negotiation to end the war in Syria.  The meetings in Montreux are ongoing and the start of the Syria-Syria negotiations will begin on Friday in Geneva.  That is where the two parties themselves are negotiating.

The international community is focused on the full implementation of the Geneva Communiqué, including the establishment, based on mutual consent, of a transitional governing body exercising full executive powers, as I just said, including over military and security entities.  It’s important to be clear:  Mutual consent for a transitional governing body means that that government cannot be formed with someone who is objected to by one side or the other.  In other words, that means that Bashar al-Assad will not and cannot be part of that transition government.

Now, the most important work will be done in the coming days, weeks, and months ahead with the regime and the opposition sitting down together to negotiate the implementation of the Geneva Communiqué and the formation of that transitional governing body, and that will be hard work.  But today is the beginning of an important process that will hopefully lead to an end to that terrible war.

Q    Given how hard it’s been to get these parties to even come to the table, do you see this as really the last, best chance to have a political solution?

MR. CARNEY:  There is no alternative to a political solution, a negotiated political settlement.  And I wouldn't, as these talks are just starting, move ahead to an assumption that they’ll fail -- although I will recognize, as we all will and the President will, that this is going to be tough and complicated work.  But there is no alternative.  There is no other way forward for Syria absent a negotiated political settlement; absent a settlement based on the principles of the Geneva Communiqué, which calls very clearly for a transitional governing body that is reached to by mutual consent.  That’s going to be hard work, but it’s important that it’s gotten started.

Jeff.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  The President spoke yesterday with President Putin of Russia and your readout said that they discussed the Olympics and security.  What more would the White House like to see Russia doing on security there?  And what more would the United States like to do or to be involved in to address the mounting concerns about security in Sochi?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, let me say that starting with the call yesterday that the United States has offered its full support and any assistance to the Russian government in its security preparations for the Sochi Games.  Russian authorities will be responsible for overall security at the Olympics, and the State Department’s Bureau of Diplomatic Security has the security lead for United States.  We will send diplomatic security and FBI agents to liaise with host nation security and law enforcement officials.  And that’s standard operating procedure for large events like this, where thousands of U.S. citizens -- athletes from Team USA, American corporate sponsors and members of the U.S. media are present for an extended period of time.

Now, the United States and Russia have had discussions on counterterrorism cooperation in a number of venues, as we’ve noted in the past, including in working groups of the Bilateral Presidential Commission.  The United States has also been working with the Russian government through the International Security Events Group on Sochi preparation, specifically as we do with any host country.  Now, U.S. citizens planning to attend the games in Sochi should be contact with the State Department.  Potential threats to safety and security can be found on the embassy’s website and the Department of State’s travel website.

I’ll also note that we have seen an uptick in threat reporting prior to the Olympics, which is, of course, of concern, although it is also not unusual for a major international event. And we have offered, as I said, assistance to the Russians -- any assistance that they might need to counter that threat.

Q    Is Russia accepting any of that assistance that’s been offered?

MR. CARNEY:  I would, first of all, refer you to the Department of Defense for details on assistance that’s been offered.  I would also say that we’re having ongoing conversations with the Russians about this and have offered any assistance that we can provide.  They obviously have lead for security at the Olympics -- they are the host nation.

Q    But did that offer come out of a concern that they’re not doing enough?

MR. CARNEY:  No, I think that this is an international event; there will be a large U.S. citizen presence there for an extended period of time, and we take the necessary precautions as you would expect.  I think the Pentagon said on Monday of this week that the United States has offered its full support to the Russian government, and that includes the two U.S. ships that have been sent to the Black Sea as part of the prudent planning and preparations that are required for an event like this.

Q    All right.  And then one other issue -- The Washington Post today had a story quoting U.S. officials expressing concern that they would not be able to make good on the President’s promise regarding the telephone records and the NSA proposals.  How confident is the White House that a deadline can be met?  Was it realistic?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I would say the relevant agencies are already at work on implementing the directions in the President’s speech that he gave.  As the President said, these are complicated issues, but they are not new to us.  We’ve already been working on them over the past six months and doing everything in our power, already we are, to meet those timelines. So it’s complicated, but the word has already gone out, some of the work has already been done, and the President looks forward to progress being made and completed.

Jon.

Q    On Russia, the call with Putin, who called who?  Did the President call or did Putin?  Who initiated the call?

MR. CARNEY:  I don't know the answer to that, Jon.  They speak with some frequency, but I can find out if there is an initiator.

Q    And get back to us?

MR. CARNEY:  Sure.

Q    And on this question of security at the Olympics, what is your assessment, what is the White House assessment?  How are the Russians doing on security?  Are they doing enough?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, again, what I can tell you is there has been an uptick in some of the reporting, but that is not unusual. It’s of concern, but not unusual for an event like this.  The State Department has handled and is handling the issue of travel advisories for U.S. citizens, and we are offering the Russians any assistance that they might require or request in a situation like this.

But I wouldn’t be qualified -- I wouldn’t want to venture to assess overall except that these kinds of major events around the world obviously present security challenges; this one is not unique.  And we take matters like this seriously because of the presence of U.S. citizens.  That's why we’re working with the Russian government.  That's why we’re offering the assistance that we’re offering, as well as encouraging U.S. citizens planning to travel to Sochi to be in contact with the State Department to make sure they're aware of the advisories that are out there.

Q    Can you characterize our level of confidence in the steps they have taken?  You’ve heard -- obviously Putin has talked a “ring of steel” around the Sochi Olympics.  Do we have a great deal of confidence that they have done enough on this?

MR. CARNEY:  All I can tell you, Jon, is that we have had conversations with the Russian government about security in Sochi.  The President spoke with President Putin about this.  We have offered any assistance that they might want to avail themselves of, and we’re taking, I think, prudent precautions on this matter, as evidenced by some of the steps the Department of Defense and the State Department have taken.

I wouldn’t want to assess from here because this is a complicated piece of business, obviously -- an international event like this, Olympics in general -- because they, unlike already complicated events like a single day of a sporting event, the Olympics last over a significant period of time.

Q    And can I ask a question on the Iran -- on the negotiations with Iran on the nuclear issue?  Is it the White House’s belief that if you can reach an agreement with the Iranians that those sanctions can be lifted without congressional approval?  Can further sanctions be lifted?  Obviously there are some steps which you’re able to do without congressional approval, but can you strike a deal with Iran and lift sanctions without Congress okaying it?

MR. CARNEY:  I haven’t seen that assessment made because it presupposes what is the only acceptable outcome to these negotiations, which is a verifiable, transparent agreement by Iran to forsake its nuclear weapons ambitions.  And the promise of that for Iran is that by coming into compliance with its international obligation, by offering in a way that is 100 percent reassuring to the P5-plus-1 and our international partners and allies that they will not pursue and cannot pursue a nuclear weapon, there will be an opportunity for Iran to end its isolated state that its violation of its international obligations has brought upon it.

But how that process would work, I think it’s a little early to discuss that because the six-month period that we’ve been talking about for the negotiations over a comprehensive solution is only just beginning.

Q    Okay.  And then just one last thing.  The First Lady had her 50th birthday party and I believe you said that the President picks up the cost for that party.

MR. CARNEY:  I think we put out information.  I don’t have it here.  I would refer you to the East Wing.

Q    And I was just wondering if you had an estimate on what the cost was.

MR. CARNEY:  I don’t, but I would refer you to the East Wing.

Q    On that uptick in threat reporting, you said that it’s something you should expect with events like this.  But really going beyond that, part of that uptick is because of recent events in the area because of the region we’re talking about.  Is that correct?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I mean, you’re asking me to assess the region.  I think that international events like this always represent -- or present, rather, security challenges, and that’s broadly speaking.  Obviously each event presents unique challenges.  But I’m not going to get into a detailed analysis of how this one might be different from another one.  The approach that the U.S. government takes and the administration takes is one of prudent preparation because of any risks that might be out there.

So as I said, as you might expect in the run-up to an event like this, there has been an uptick in some of the threat reporting, and we’re taking precautions accordingly.  But that is not unusual.

Q    And does President Putin seem welcoming of U.S. offers for assistance?

MR. CARNEY:  I think that we have communicated at a variety of levels including between the two Presidents that we are absolutely willing to assist the Russian government where we can, and those conversations are being engaged.  And I wouldn’t characterize them -- I can point you to the Defense Department in terms of some of the conversations they’ve had and some of the steps they’ve taken.  But we’re going to continue to work with the Russian government and have those conversations moving forward.

Q    And on The New Yorker piece, the President said a couple of things about marijuana.  He said that legalization experiments in Washington State and Colorado should “go forward.” He also mentioned that he didn’t think marijuana was any more dangerous than alcohol.  In 2010, this White House put out a policy paper on national drug policy stating that marijuana should not be legalized.  Was the President setting new drug policy?

MR. CARNEY:  No, the President’s position on these matters hasn’t changed.  I think he was making a couple of points -- one, that we ought to use discretion appropriately in our prosecution prioritization -- A.  B, when it comes to marijuana use, he made clear that he sees it as a bad habit and a vice and not something that he would encourage -- and this is a quote:  “It’s not something I encourage, and I told my daughters I think it’s a bad idea, a waste of time, not very healthy.”

But there’s no question that we’ve applied our drug laws in a way that has been counterproductive and that there are issues there that need to be addressed.  I think that it’s important to -- because he’s quoted quite extensively in that article -- to look at the full context of some of these quotes that have been taken out in phrases when, at least in this instance, there’s an opportunity to see him speak at length.

Q    But he does want to see those experiments to go forward in Washington State and Colorado.  What does he hope to find out --

MR. CARNEY:  I think the point he was -- well, see, I think again that you’re probably not aware of the entire sentence.  “It’s important for the experiment” -- which is bracketed -- “to go forward because it’s important for society not to have a situation in which a large portion of people have at one time or another broken the law, and only a select few get punished.”  In other words, he’s talking about the issue of the disparities in our prosecution of our drug laws that an experiment like this may be addressing.  He’s not endorsing any specific move by a state; he’s simply making an observation.  His position on these matters has not changed.

Q    And, Jay, on Syria, getting back to Syria, there has been a huge cache of photos that have been released showing what appears to be widespread killings, mass killings, mass torture in Syria.  Has the White House examined these photos?  Does it have an opinion on what should happen with respect to those photos?

MR. CARNEY:  We stand with the rest of the world in horror at these images that have come to light, and we condemn in the strongest possible terms the actions of the Assad regime and call on it to adhere to international obligations with respect to the treatment of prisoners.  While we cannot independently confirm or affirm the information that was presented recently, these photos cannot be ignored or dismissed.  They suggest widespread and apparently systematic violations of international human law and demonstrate just how far the regime is willing to go in harming its own people.  They’re very disturbing images.

Let me move around a little bit.  Christie.

Q    Thanks, Jay.  Back on the metadata program.  Can you say when the DOJ and the ODNI began working on the storage -- the new storage place for this database?  Was it 10 minutes after the President speech or --

MR. CARNEY:  I would refer you to them.  I don’t know when they --

Q    Well, your answer to Jeff made it sound like --

MR. CARNEY:  I’m saying that on -- the examination of these issues was part of the review process.  So moving forward, participants in that effort are not starting from scratch.  And that was the point I’m making -- not that the President had issued specifically this directive prior to his speech, but that there’s a knowledge base there that was built in part by the review the President asked for and got, and that will certainly be of assistance as the work moves forward to make some determinations about storage.

Q    And do you know if the Attorney General has assured the President that he can make the deadline that he has set?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I think I would point you to what I said earlier.  There’s work that’s been done on this issue broadly speaking so people aren’t starting from scratch.  It’s a complicated piece of business, but the President expects that action can be taken in the timeline he set.

Q    Well, you also have the component of needing congressional help on this.  What would happen if Congress did not act to set something up by the deadline the President is talking about?  Is the President willing to stop -- he said in his speech that the government will no longer maintain this database.  Would he stop doing that --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, we’re going to work with Congress because we think that this is the kind of thing that can enjoy bipartisan support.  There’s a shared interest in moving forward on this so I think that we hope and expect congressional cooperation moving forward.

Q    On income inequality, the President has repeatedly made it clear recently that this is going to be a big part of the next three years.  But with so little appetite in Congress to do anything about it, how much effort is he going to put behind measures that can actually reduce the trend?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, there’s no question, as you heard the President say in Anacostia late last year, and as you’ve heard him say over the years, including in Osawatomie and earlier this year, that the challenge we face when it comes to economic mobility in this country and the ability of Americans from all stations in life to achieve the American Dream is something he considers his number-one priority.  And addressing that challenge, addressing that problem, making sure that there’s opportunity for everyone, is something that we can do together with Congress and it’s also something that he can tackle using all of the tools in his toolbox as President of the United States.

And you have seen him do that -- or rather you have seen examples of how he can do that just recently with the Promise Zones that he talked about, and the manufacturing hub in North Carolina, where we can continue to work on the renaissance of manufacturing in this country and focus on advanced manufacturing and the kind of industries that create well-paying jobs for middle-class families to live on here in the United States.  You've seen it in the initiative last week with a hundred representatives from colleges and universities and elsewhere interested in improving education for Americans, and that, in turn, helps address the issue, because it’s not something that a single piece of legislation will resolve.

You've seen it in efforts across the states to raise the minimum wage, state by state.  The President strongly supports action by Congress, strongly supports action here in Washington to raise the minimum wage, because as a basic principle in this country you ought to be able to earn a living, i.e. not live in poverty, if you put in a hard day's work.  That's certainly the President's view.  And that's something that has enjoyed across the country and through the years bipartisan support.  So there's an opportunity for action with Congress on that specific issue -- and others.

So the President is fiercely committed to this agenda that goes right at the heart of what he believes America has always been about, which is the foundational belief that no matter what the circumstances of your birth that you have endless opportunity in this country to advance yourself and your family if you're willing to work hard, if you're willing to take responsibility, and if you're willing to educate yourself and help your family move forward.  So this is obviously something the President has spoken about before.  I think you can expect that it will be something he'll speak about in the coming days and weeks, and throughout his presidency.

Q    How would he measure success?

MR. CARNEY:  I think he would measure success by evidence that we have improved economic opportunity in this country for everyone; that the mobility that we've seen declining in this country is on the rise again, where you don't have I think surprising statistics that suggest that countries in Europe have greater economic mobility than the United States, which sort of goes at the heart of who we believe we are in this country and what our history has been about when it comes to opportunity for people who have been willing to work hard and take responsibility.  So that's an agenda that could not have more presidential force behind it.

Major.

Q    There was a report last night that the Pentagon sent to the President a report or a recommendation that there would be 10,000 U.S. military personnel in Afghanistan after 2014 provided the BSA is signed, but that those forces would be removed by 2016.  A, can you confirm if that's true?  And if so, does it reflect a presidential desire to wind down the war completely by the end of his term, even if the bilateral security agreement is signed by the Afghan government?

MR. CARNEY:  What I can tell you, Major, is that the President has not made any decisions about final troop numbers  and I'm not going to discuss ongoing deliberations.  We will be weighing inputs from our military commanders, as well as the intelligence community, our diplomats and development experts as we make decisions about our post-2014 presence in Afghanistan.

As you mentioned, in addition, our position continues to be that if we cannot conclude a bilateral security agreement promptly then we will initiate planning for a post-2014 future in which there would be no U.S. or NATO troop presence in Afghanistan.  That's not the future we're seeking; it’s not the policy we think is best, and we don't believe it’s in Afghanistan’s best interest.  But the further this slips into 2014, the more likely such an outcome is.

Meanwhile, as the interagency convenes to continue considering options to present to the President for a post-2014 presence, we will have to increasingly take into account the lack of a signed BSA in that planning.  We'll have to frame decisions based on our clear position that we can't pursue a post-2014 mission without a BSA.  And that mission, if I could just reiterate, would be one tailored to focus on counterterrorism operations and on the training and support of Afghan security forces.

So no decisions have been made.  We're not going to get into ongoing deliberations.  And it’s important to note in the context of all of these discussions that we are still waiting for the Afghan government to sign the bilateral security agreement.

Q    Does the difficulty in obtaining that signature on the BSA inject into these deliberations a new question about the utility of keeping forces for a long period after 2014 because it appears the Afghan -- we may not be welcome there and therefore the utility of us staying might be in question now?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think, in fact, the loya jirga strongly endorsed the bilateral security agreement, and as a body that represents the will and opinion of the Afghan people, we think that is significant and it reflects the fact that the BSA was negotiated in good faith with the Afghan government.  And we consider that another strong reason why it ought to be signed.

Q    But you know as well as I do that part of this is the succession of Karzai and this being a live issue, so that if it’s not overshadowed, certainly presents itself within the succession of the Karzai government and it certainly is a factor being weighed by not just the loya jirga but whoever may succeed Karzai.

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think that's probably the case, but we're not basing the need for the BSA to be signed on that timeline in Afghan politics.  We're basing it on the fact that we have to make decisions -- we and our NATO allies have to make decisions and make plans for 2014 that need to take into account whether or not there is a BSA that's been signed, because there cannot be a further troop presence beyond 2014 absent a signed BSA.  So the further we slip into this year, the more we have to take that into account as we make plans.

Q    It was suggested on a couple of Sunday talk shows that there is evidence in possession of the U.S. government that Edward Snowden may well have received assistance from the Russian government in transit on his way to Russia and that he may be cooperating in ways that is harmful to the U.S. government on an ongoing basis.  Does the administration agree with those assessments?

MR. CARNEY:  I would say that this is an ongoing criminal investigation; there have been charges brought.  And I don't have anything to add from here on that matter.

Q    Would the administration cast any doubts on those suspicions?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I just don't have anything to add.  There is a case that has been presented against Mr. Snowden, charges have been brought.  It is our firm position that he ought to return to the United States and face the charges against him here where he will be afforded all of the protections of due process that our judicial system provides.

Q    In The New Yorker piece, the President said he was haunted by Syria.  You read a statement about the images that the administration had a chance to look at.  You also said there’s no alternative to Assad staying in power.  Why isn't there any alternative to Assad staying in power?  He’s been there for almost two and a half years, a wide-running bloody civil war.  The military does not appear to be any less aggressive in its defense of the Assad regime than it has been from the start.  The opposition is splintered.  The Geneva II peace process or conversations are off to, at best, a rocky start.  Why isn't it possible that Assad stays and the President remains haunted by this for the remainder of his administration?

MR. CARNEY:  Because there’s no future that the Syrian people will endorse for their country that includes Assad in the government or as President.  He has forsaken in bloody fashion any claim he might have to lead that country into the future by massacring his own people --

Q    But with respect, that may undermine his moral authority, but the practical reality is he’s there, his military is there and fights aggressively to keep him there.

MR. CARNEY:  And there’s an ongoing civil war there, and there is no solution, there is no end to that war absent a negotiated political settlement.  And that settlement has to be based on the Geneva Communiqué, which calls for a transitional governing authority based on mutual consent.  And there’s no achieving mutual consent in Syria of the members of that governing authority that could include Bashar al-Assad in the government.  It won’t happen.  It can't happen.

So our view that Assad can't be part of Syria’s future is not one that we make on our own; it’s one we observe in the fulfillment of the Geneva Communiqué, because there’s no way the opposition would agree to -- nor should -- a governing transitional authority that would include Assad among those participants.

Q    Jay, on that point, is a U.S. military strike against Syria -- a potential U.S. military strike still on the table?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, Ed, I don't think that we would ever rule out options when dealing with matters like this.  But what I can tell you is that we foresee no U.S. troops in Syria and that there is -- the only resolution here -- I think that suggesting the use of force somehow answers the mail when we said there’s no resolution here that doesn't include a negotiated political settlement --

Q    The President very publicly considered U.S. force, was right up to the line of it, and then went to Congress.  All that only played out a few months ago.  My question is two summers ago, the President from that podium had a news conference and drew the red line and that was on chemical weapons specifically.

MR. CARNEY:  As was the threat of the use of force.

Q    The threat of force.  And the President, though, then when he drew that red line in August of 2012, said that if they crossed the line there would be enormous consequences.  Now, in addition to the mass killings that were just talked about a moment ago, chemical weapons were used in mass fashion, and as result, in a positive step, Syria started turning over some of those chemical weapons.  But my question is, Assad is still in power, as Major suggested.  He’s still killing his own people. What is -- what can the U.S. do about it?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, Ed, if I could briefly clarify the history that you recounted, the President made clear that it was a red line for Syria to use chemical weapons.  And he then very clearly and forcefully threatened force when the evidence demonstrated that the Syrian government had used chemical weapons.  It was because of that credible use of force -- threat of force, rather, that something happened that I don't think anybody would have predicted, which is that a government that had long denied that it even possessed chemical weapons agreed to give them all up.  And that process is underway.

What remains the case is that there’s an ongoing civil war. What the President has said is that we will do everything we can through provision of humanitarian assistance, through pushing the Geneva process forward, including the meetings underway now, including help and assistance to the opposition, to help bring about an end to the war and a negotiated political --

Q    But all of that has been going on for a couple of years now is my question, I guess.  And if the President is haunted by it, does he feel paralyzed?  Does he feel --

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I guess, Ed, I would point you to the words of the President when he’s made clear that we cannot intervene in every -- militarily into every civil war, but we can do what we have done in this case, which is work with international partners to help try to bring about a negotiated political settlement.

And we can, as we did, working with our international partners, help bring about the commitment by Syria to give up one of the largest collections of chemical weapons in the world.  And that is obviously something that’s very positive and that work is ongoing.

Q    Last thing on health care.  The Hill newspaper reported a couple of days ago that a procurement document from late December says that federal officials decided to bring on Accenture for the healthcare.gov contract.  And they did it quickly; they did it without open bid because they justified it, administration officials, by saying they had to move quickly because they said the health insurance industry was at risk if the site was not fixed.  They also went on to say, ”The entire health care reform program is jeopardized if these fixes are not made by mid-March.”

MR. CARNEY:  Who said that?

Q    Federal officials who were quoted in --

MR. CARNEY:  Which officials?

Q    From CMS, I would expect.  Not from the White House.

MR. CARNEY:  I didn’t see the article.  I’m not aware of those statements --

Q    But you’ve been saying the website is turning the corner.  Does this document suggest that there are still concerns here in the administration?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, I’m not aware of the document.  What I can you tell you is there has been an enormous effort expended and an enormous effort that continues to be expended in making sure that the website functions effectively for the millions of Americans who have so clearly demonstrated that they desire the product on offer here.  And I certainly hope that as those improvements have resulted in significantly increased numbers of Americans enrolling in and purchasing insurance through the exchanges, that that story is getting the full coverage that it merits.

Margaret.

Q    Thanks.  I wanted to go back to Sochi for a second.  Just to clarify, there were some reports beginning yesterday that the U.S. was using counterterrorism operatives to help the Russians look for potential suicide bombers inside the security zone.  Can you confirm that?  And even if you can’t, is the U.S. concerned that there may be suicide bombers inside the security zone?

MR. CARNEY:  Margaret, I just don’t have more.  I don’t have -- I have not seen that report.  What I can tell you is that we are having conversations with the Russians.  We have made clear that we are prepared to provide any assistance that we can if Russia asks for it.  And we’re going to continue to work with them and take steps as we’ve been taking out of prudence, given that this is the kind of event where security is an issue.

Q    On the President’s call with Mr. Putin, the one thing in the readout that I didn’t notice was any mention of Edward Snowden.  Can you tell us explicitly, did they -- is this like in the agree-to-disagree category and they just don’t talk about it? Or they talked about it and it’s just not going in the readout because there’s nothing you could possibly tell us about what they said?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I don’t have more detail on the phone call.  What I can tell you is that our position on Mr. Snowden I think is abundantly clear to everyone, including the Russians, and our view that he ought to be returned to the United States where he will be afforded all the rights and protections in our system.  That hasn't changed.  So I don't think there's any doubt in Moscow or elsewhere of our position on that matter.

Q    Can I do one more?

MR. CARNEY:  Sure.

Q    There's an ally of Angela Merkel's who is like the foreign policy spokesman for her party in the Parliament, and what he had said is that it's their view that what the President has promised or offered in terms of the foreign leader aspect of the NSA role last week isn't quite enough and that -- he said, "Transatlantic relations are in the deepest crisis now since the Iraq war."  I'm just wondering if the President is concerned about the sort of ongoing steps to repair the relationship with Germany specifically and what he is doing in the wake of the NSA remarks?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, we have had direct country-to-country and, in some cases, leader-to-leader consultations on these matters as they have arisen.  And we've certainly been clear about that when it comes to the United States and Germany and President Obama and Chancellor Merkel.  And I would say that at Chancellor Merkel and President Obama's direction, we have undertaken extensive, close consultations on our intelligence cooperation in recent months, which has resulted -- those consultations, rather, have resulted in a better understanding of the requirements and concerns that exist on both sides.  And those consultations will continue among our intelligence services.  And I think they reflect the very close relationship we have across the board, including on issues of and matters of intelligence.

Peter.

Q    Jay, clearly, there was a greater degree of sharing in past Olympics -- in London, in Vancouver, and even Beijing before that.  What specifically would you like to see with Russia that would give this administration more confidence in the safety of Americans not just in Sochi, but throughout Russia?

MR. CARNEY:  Again, Peter, I just don't have more on this beyond what I've said, which is that we are in conversations with the Russians, we've made clear that we are prepared to offer any assistance that they might require.  Russian authorities are, of course, responsible for overall security at the Olympics -- they are the host nation -- and the State Department's Bureau of Diplomatic Security has the security lead for the United States. As part of that responsibility, we will send diplomatic security and FBI agents to liaise with host nation security and law enforcement officials.

I think that reflects the actions that we take in situations like this; they're fairly standard.  But these are obviously events that present security challenges, so we work with host nations and we take actions that we think are necessary to make sure that the precautions we can take are taken.

Q    So at this time, is the White House satisfied that Russia is prepared to host a safe games?
MR. CARNEY:  I think that Russia has responsibility for overall security in terms of the steps that they've taken, and assurances that they can make are ones that they have to make.  Our view is that we partner with host nations and liaise with them.  We also, in this case, are offering security assistance and we'll continue to work with the Russians as the event approaches and begins.

Q    Senator Angus King said a couple of days ago, "I would not go and I don't think I'd send my family."  Americans are making those decisions right now.  Should Americans go?  Should they feel safe sending their family?

MR. CARNEY:  Sure.  I think there will be, as I understand it, a lot of Americans in Sochi, which is why, of course, we pay close attention to an event like this.  There will be Team USA members there, as well as corporate sponsors.  And our advice to Americans who might travel to the games is to avail themselves of the information provided by the State Department in the form of travel advisories related to this and to take the standard precautions that those advisories recommend.  And beyond that, we're just going to continue to work with -- to take the necessary precautions and to work with the Russian government.

Q    As for Chairman Rogers, who this weekend discussed his suspicion or belief that Edward Snowden received some help -- this is going to a question that was asked earlier -- but he made these -- you could call them allegations or accusations -- at least it was his belief system that there was help provided to Edward Snowden.  A senior FBI official told us on Sunday that it’s still the Bureau’s conclusion that Mr. Snowden acted alone. So I guess I’m curious right now if Chairman Rogers and others using language like that somehow hinders the relationship the U.S. is trying to develop right now with Russia by making those suggestions when it appears the administration has no evidence of that.

MR. CARNEY:  I think the disagreement we have with Russia over Edward Snowden I think has been publicly expressed with some frequency.  I don’t think that --

Q    Is he helping or hurting by saying that if there’s no evidence?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I don’t think that that’s really an issue because we have -- the President spoke with President Putin directly and does so with some frequency, as Presidents of Russia and the President --

Q    Wait, about -- I’m sorry, about Edward Snowden?

MR. CARNEY:  No, I’m just saying in general that we don’t -- that the President can talk to President Putin, and does.  And in our relations with Russia, we have areas of significant cooperation where our interests are aligned and we have areas of significant disagreement, including but not limited to the matter of Edward Snowden.  But I don’t think we’re anything but transparent about that.  And we have expressed that very clearly both on that matter and other matters.  That’s been the approach the President has taken in our relations with Russia because he thinks that best serves the interests of the United States, which is a very clear-eyed approach to U.S.-Russian relations that allows for cooperation on matters that are vital to U.S. national security and U.S. interests, and can also allow for the clear expression of disagreements -- and that happens.

We are still able to move forward and cooperate with the Russians on a host of areas.  That includes the P5-plus-1.  It includes counterterrorism cooperation in general.  And it includes obviously the ability to discuss security around the Sochi games.

Q    Finally, very quickly, we’re under the impression you’ll get back to us on who delivered -- who placed the phone call, whether it was President Putin or President Obama yesterday.  But we’re under the -- we’ve been told that the conversation was apparently several days or even weeks in the making.  Did the two of them agree to have other conversations and have other conversations been set before the games where further decisions will be made in terms of cooperation?

MR. CARNEY:  I don’t have any previews of additional phone calls that may or may not happen.  As I said, the President speaks with President Putin with some frequency, as you might expect, but I don’t know when the next call might be.

Yes, Jess.

Q    On the U.S.-Africa summit that you announced earlier this week, can you talk about what prompted that, and also why Egypt is not among those that are invited, especially given what’s going on there right now?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I can tell you that what prompted it is the hope that the summit will build on the progress made since the President’s trip to Africa last summer that it will advance the administration’s focus on trade and investment in Africa and highlight America’s commitment to Africa’s security, its democratic development and its people.
I think that on matters of the invitation list, on Egypt -- I know I have this here somewhere.  Hold on.  I can give you -- Egypt has not been invited because it is suspended from the African Union, and that’s the reason why Egypt was not invited.  I can read you the entire list of the invitees, but I think you’ve probably seen it.  But that’s why Egypt was not invited.

Q    Is there any concern that that is a missed opportunity to have discussions that you’d like to be having with Egypt?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I think we have regular discussions with Egyptian leaders and authorities focused on the bilateral relationship, on security matters, but also on developments in Egypt and our belief that Egypt needs to transition to a civilian-led government in a process that is inclusive where Egyptians from all walks of life get to express their views and be heard.

Reid.

Q    Jay, yesterday after he was indicted, former Virginia Governor McDonnell and his attorneys both described his actions while he was governor as similar to things that President Obama has done in the White House.  They said in the legal brief the President routinely participates in corporate events which lend credibility to his major benefactors, invites benefactors to events in the White House, allows his photo to be taken with benefactors, and includes benefactors in policy discussions with senior administration officials, in describing or explaining Governor McDonnell’s actions with Jonnnie Williams.  I’m sure you're going to refer questions about the prosecution to the Justice Department.  But does the President sort of concede the point that a lot of the people who are involved in some of these policy discussions are people who have contributed to his campaign?

MR. CARNEY:  Reid, I have no comment on what is obviously an ongoing matter of prosecution, and I’ll leave it at that.

Q    Thanks, Jay.

MR. CARNEY:  Mark.

Q    Jay, how will foreign leaders know if they are among the friends and allies whose phone calls the United States will not conduct surveillance on?

MR. CARNEY:  Mark, what I would say is that we have direct conversations through diplomatic channels on these issues and will continue to do so.  I think you can address those questions, that question elsewhere, but I think that we -- as has been the case since these revelations began, where they have affected our relations with a specific country, there have been direct and substantive conversations between the two countries using diplomatic channels, which is the tradition.

Q    So you’re saying you’ll tell them, you’re okay, your phone calls won’t be surveilled?

MR. CARNEY:  Well, I’m not sure what other method you might suggest, Mark.  (Laughter.)  I can simply tell you that we have close relationships with our friends and allies -- our close friends and allies, and these kinds of discussions take place through normal diplomatic channels.

Q    And have you responded to the ad yesterday in the paper from Europe 1 Radio requesting an interview with the President?  And would you suggest that's a way for many of us to request interviews from now on?  (Laughter.)

MR. CARNEY:  No, I think CBS has requested interviews through more traditional means successfully, as have many of the news organizations here.  But I wouldn’t rule out that as a means to request.  I think it’s an expensive way to do it.  But keep those invitations coming.

Thanks very much.

END
1:48 P.M. EST

Search This Blog

Translate

White House.gov Press Office Feed