Showing posts with label G7. Show all posts
Showing posts with label G7. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 15, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS WITH GERMAN FOREIGN MINISTER FRANK-WALTER STEINMETER

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Lubeck, Germany
April 15, 2015

FOREIGN MINISTER STEINMEIER: A very special welcome to our friend, John Kerry, who came a long way after his hearings in the Congress yesterday evening. It’s sunny weather in Lubeck, but that shouldn’t irritate us because the weather in international politics is quite stormy. The conflict in the eastern Ukraine is only two hours away from here, and we are discussing the situation in Ukraine, the Ukrainian conflict later on. And we are starting today with the stand on our negotiations with Iran. We have to discuss the situation in the Middle East with ISIS, about Iraq and Syria, and new reporting nearly every day about the changing situation in Yemen. We are quite satisfied that the United Nations Security Council yesterday decided about the resolution against arms delivery to the Houthis in Yemen. This is a little bit progress, but we are far away from a situation in which we are able to calm the situation to de-escalate or to find a political solution. We will discuss about the consequences of climate change for foreign policy and the stability of states and international relations, and we will discuss about maritime security here in a city in which we have a great tradition in which the Hanseatic League was founded and in which there is a (inaudible) experience on a regular base international order, and how to deal with situation in which this order is broken by somebody.

So I think it’s a splendid environment for our discussions today. And again, not only a good morning, but welcome here in Lubeck.

Some words?

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, we’re – first of all, let me say what a tremendous pleasure it is to be here in this world heritage city of Lubeck, which, as Frank Steinmeier just said, was the heart of the Hanseatic League and an important precursor to the rule of law. And we’re very, very privileged to be here with the G7, which has a critical voice right now on the major challenges that we face – ISIS, Yemen, the Middle East, Syria, Ukraine, Libya. The voices of every single country here are critical to the resolution of each of these conflicts. And I’m particularly grateful – and I think the other ministers join me in saying a profound thank you to Germany – for Germany’s great leadership. And Germany, together with France, have been absolutely critical to working through the challenge of Ukraine. We look to their leadership, and they’ve provided it.

So we have a lot to talk about today. And of course, looming large is the challenge of finishing the negotiation with Iran over the course of the next two and a half months. Yesterday, there was a compromise reached in Washington regarding congressional input. We are confident about our ability for the President to negotiate an agreement, and to do so with the ability to make the world safer. And again, every partner here has been absolutely critical to our ability to be able to get where we are today. So I’m grateful to be here to be part of this discussion for the period of time I can be, and I’m really grateful to each and every colleague here for the incredible partnership that is represented by the G7 at this point in time. And it’s wonderful particularly to be here in this historic city. Thank you.

Monday, March 16, 2015

G7 MEETING IN BERLIN DISCUSSES WORKER RIGHTS, WORKING CONDITIONS

FROM:  U.S. LABOR DEPARTMENT
International Scene
Berlin Hosts G7 International Stakeholder Conference

"Promoting Decent Work Worldwide through Sustainable Supply Chains" was the topic of a G7 international stakeholder conference hosted jointly by Germany's Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development and the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. Eric Biel, associate deputy undersecretary of labor for international affairs, joined government, business, labor and civil society leaders in Berlin on March 11 and 12 to discuss a range of issues pertaining to worker rights and working conditions. The two-day event included a keynote address by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Kailash Satyarthi, who emphasized the importance of the department's funding and research that shines a light on poor labor practices around the world. The session also featured comments from German Ministers Andrea Nahles and Gerd Müller; Jim Yong Kim of the World Bank; Angel Gurría of the OECD, and Guy Ryder, the Director-General of the International Labour Organization.

Wednesday, May 14, 2014

SECRETARY KERRY, ITALIAN FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI MAKE REMARKS AFTER MEETING

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks With Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini After Their Meeting

Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
May 13, 2014



SECRETARY KERRY: Good afternoon, everybody, I guess almost good evening. Federica,benvenuta a Washington. We’re happy to have you here. I’m very delighted to welcome Foreign Minister Mogherini to Washington. We met in Rome about two months ago, I think it was, and in the best Italian-American tradition, we bonded over food as well as good discussions.

At the time, we were co-hosting an event that I might mention here which we consider important, which is support for the USA Pavilion at the Milan Expo 2015, which is focused on the challenge of feeding the planet, of food security and energy for life. And we believe it’s important to participate in this. We look forward to it. And I think when we consider the huge numbers of young people growing the populations of countries throughout the world, but particularly in Africa, South Central Asia, and elsewhere, the challenge of food security is critical, and we’re very grateful to Italy for hosting this affair and for highlighting the importance of this challenge.

I think everybody here knows, and if they don’t, I will restate it clearly – Italy is one of the United States’ most important allies. We, I think, can safely say that our alliance has never been stronger than it is at this moment. And today, we spoke about some of the most difficult challenges that we face at this moment of time – from Ukraine to Syria to Libya, and always the challenge of Iran and the nuclear program, and the potential of peace – still a concern for peace in the Middle East.

May 25th, we believe, we are convinced, is a real opportunity for the people of Ukraine to express their will through the ballot box. And Ukraine’s future absolutely should not be determined at the barrel of a gun. We all stand together, united for the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine, and we don’t believe that ballots that are marked in Moscow or referenda directed from there should decide Ukraine’s future.

We deplore today’s violence and senseless killings, and the separatists who are very busy spreading fear and violence in Donetsk and Luhansk really need to answer the real call of the people of Ukraine, which is under the banner of “Let us vote.” And that vote, the real vote, will take place in the election on May 25th.

The other key step in the path to heal the tensions politically are the Ukrainian-led, OSCE-supported national dialogue and the roundtables that are to take place across Ukraine. These will focus on decentralization and constitutional reform. And the United States very strongly supports this process. We’re in constant touch with the OSCE itself, with Foreign Minister Steinmeier and others, and with Foreign Minister Lavrov of Russia, in efforts to try to encourage this process to take hold as fully as possible, as fast as possible. And we also welcome the OSCE’s appointment of a veteran diplomat, Walter Ischinger, Ambassador Ischinger, in order to serve as a mediator in that process.

So let me be clear: We expect to see, want to see, and will work to achieve real de-escalation, disarmament, evacuation of occupied buildings in exchange for amnesty and dialogue. And that is what is called for in the Geneva statement of the 17th last month, and also the OSCE roadmap. We hope that the OSCE will support the Government of Ukraine in facilitating these steps as rapidly as possible.

Finally, I want to welcome the news that our friends in the European Union have applied additional sanctions on Russia – Russians, Russian individuals and Russian companies involved in the occupation of Crimea. The EU has made it clear that should the May 25th elections be disrupted in Ukraine, then there will be additional sanctions. So Russia, we would say – and we don’t say this punitively, but Russia really does face a choice, and the choice is to allow the people of Ukraine to determine their own future without interference from outside and with efforts by all of us to try to assist in de-escalating the tension, removing people from buildings, pulling back security forces, counterterrorism initiatives – all of those things – in order to give the people of Ukraine the ability to breathe through the democratic process.
We also want to be clear: There are still threats to a Europe whole, free and at peace. And because of that, our commitment to Article 5 of the NATO Charter remains ironclad. NATO territory is inviolable, and we will defend every piece of it. That’s why we are deploying United States military assets to the region and that’s why the United States is encouraging our allies both to contribute to the reassurance effort that is currently underway as well as to meet their NATO commitments with respect to defense spending and planning.

The foreign minister and I also discussed briefly the efforts to eliminate serious chemical weapons. We greatly appreciate Italy’s assistance in eliminating the Syrian chemical weapons, including offering the port of Gioia Tauro for loading the materials onto the vessel Cape Bay – Cape Ray. And I want to emphasize this really underscores Italy’s very strong commitment to this initiative, to help us destroy these weapons in the most secure and safe environment possible.

I might underscore, we are currently slightly over 92 percent – 92 percent – of all of the chemical weapons of Syria declared being removed. There are still challenges with respect to some knowledge about undeclared, but at the moment we need to insist that the Syrian regime fully comply with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and the UN Security Council Resolution 2118. And we will remain vigilant until this is achieved.

The last issue we discussed was the issue of Libya. I again thank Italy for hosting the donor conference in March, the ministerial conference that we held on Libya. The United States and Italy are very committed to the transitional process that needs to take hold even more in Libya, and we will continue to support the Libyan Government as it works overtime to be able to provide a democratic process and to deliver both good governance and security to the people of Libya.

So, Federica, thank you for taking time to be with us today. I know you have to fly back to join all of us at the meeting in London, and then fly back again, so we appreciate enormously your efforts to be here today. And more especially, we appreciate the good work we’re doing together. Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Thank you, John. Thank you for welcoming me here in my first official visit abroad – and that was not by chance. That was a clear sign of showing how strong our – how good, how excellent our relation is, both bilaterally and in the international organizations we are in together. Actually, you visited Rome, I think, twice in the last couple of months. We were extremely happy to have you in the conference on Libya in the beginning of March, as we were extremely happy to host you during the visit of President Obama last month in Rome. I felt it was the most natural thing to do to pay my first visit in Washington to show how strong and excellent our work together is in all fields.

Let me start by saying that I have been flying here directly from Brussels, where yesterday we had the foreign council on – whose main concern was Ukraine; how important it is that we speak with one voice, and we act in the same way. I want to thank you because I have experienced in this first month of my mandate good – extremely good coordination whenever it comes to facing a difficult situation.

I think that part of the important response that we’ve given to the crisis in Ukraine has been in – speaking with one voice, both in Europe, across the Atlantic, in the G7, in the UN. And I think that has to stay our first priority, to speak with one voice when it comes to dealing with the crisis in Ukraine.

At the council yesterday in Brussels, we decided exactly on the same line as you described – a mix of instruments for making sure that a solution to the crisis is found in the most effective and quick way. First priority is to stop the violence on the ground, to de-escalate, as was stated in the Geneva agreement of the 17th, and as we should make sure that it is implemented on the ground.

We all agree and we’ve always all agreed on the fact that there is no military solution to the crisis that is extremely concerning for all of us. And the political answer to this crisis is a mix of creating the conditions for internal and external dialogue, the national dialogue that is going to start tomorrow, and that the leadership of the Ukrainian Government with the full support of the U.S.A., with the full support of the European Union, and following your words also on the United States and the international community, and on the other side, sanctions that always say it’s a way putting political pressure to get the result, which is a political solution to the crisis.
But now the first objective for us is decreasing tensions, stopping the violence, making the elections of the 25th happen, and making them a success, and at the same time, supporting the Ukrainian Government to follow up the process of additional reforms in the inclusive way in which they have committed to do.

As you said, we discussed also all the other crises that are open around us. Ukraine is extremely important, especially for us Europeans, but I know also for you how deep the concern is. Still, it should not shadow other crises that are extremely dramatic around us. Starting from Syria, three years of war, the need for re-launching a way of finding a political stop to the conflict, finding ways of giving humanitarian assistance, because there are people dying, children dying, and fleeing from the country. The surrounding countries that are by miracle sustaining this conflict – I think of Lebanon – and the process of dismantling the chemical arsenal that we are – happy is not the appropriate word, I guess, to describe that, but probably proud to contribute to by offering the Port of Gioia Tauro for the – for this operation. And again, it’s extremely important that at least this path is at least partially a successful one.

As you said, we discussed Libya, shared the concern for a situation that in terms of security on the ground, in terms of control of the territory and of the borders of the country, is extremely worrying and unstable. The way is trying to support the internal democratic dynamics, political dynamics in the country, so that they manage to get to forming a government able to deal with the control of the country and of the territory itself. For us, it’s a priority, and I know that we have you and all the international community at our side in trying to find the most useful way on that.
Thank you again for your commitment to Expo. We appreciate it very much, and we are willing to host you next year, but for sure before that in Milan for Expo 2015. It’s a great occasion for us to underline how much we can do together to fight one of the most dramatic elements of our time. On one side over-nutrition; on the other side, people dying, for hunger. There’s a contradiction there that we have to face and try to solve, and Expo is going to be a great chance for the international community to face this problem together and try to solve it and to move it forward.

So thank you very much.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Thank you very much, Federica. We appreciate it very, very much. And let me – we are honored that you selected to come here first. We really appreciate that. And it is a sign of the special relationship and the way we work together, so I’m very grateful. We all are.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Thank you, but it’s natural. That’s natural.

MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Roz Jordan of Al-Jazeera.

QUESTION: Thank you, Madam Minister. Welcome to Washington. And Mr. Secretary, three brief questions. First, regarding Syria: As we all know, Lakhdar Brahimi has stepped aside as the special envoy for Syria. He is the second person to fail in this job after Kofi Annan. Can a third special envoy succeed where he and Annan have failed? The SNC, for its part, is adamant that a political calculation cannot be brought about unless its armed component does receive weapons from the West, and it says it will be making that request when all of you gather in London on Thursday. Will the U.S. support the SNC’s request? Does the U.S. believe that the SNC is mistaken in this regard?

Regarding Nigeria, the U.S. coordination team led by the State Department is now on the ground; surveillance planes are in the air. Does the U.S. have a better sense of where these kidnapped girls and their kidnappers are? Will the Nigerian army have the capability of rescuing them, if indeed they are located via intelligence and surveillance methods? And is the U.S. prepared to offer its own troops to assist the Nigerian army? Is Abuja willing to have that sort of assistance?

And finally, the Saudi Government has invited the Iranian foreign minister, Mr. Zarif, to Riyadh for meetings. Does the U.S. welcome this? Is this the first sign of a rapprochement? Did the U.S. have anything to do with this invitation extended by the Saudi foreign minister? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: I think there were about 9 or 10 questions there. (Laughter.)

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: All yours. (Laughter.) I’m not kidding.

QUESTION: She already spoke on Syria.

SECRETARY KERRY: First of all, Mr. Brahimi did not fail. It’s a great mistake here to place on a peacemaking effort the notion that the failure of an envoy or a special envoy, or the inability to be able to reach agreement is the fault of the envoy. It’s not. It’s the fault of a party – Assad – who will not negotiate, who absolutely refused to negotiate at every single session.
Now, when this was announced in – I think it was March, April of a year ago, when I went to Moscow and Sergei Lavrov joined in the announcement with President Putin’s support, it was because at that point in time, there was a sense that there was a need to negotiate. And the Russians supported that negotiation with the belief that that was the only way to settle this.
Regrettably in the intervening months after that, as everybody knows, there was a growth in the number of extremist groups who were trying to remove Assad, and then an increasing fight between the extremists and the moderate opposition. So whether it was Ahrar al-Sham or al-Nusra or al-Qaida or the Iraqi State Levant and so forth, those groups began to detract, and frankly that detracted from the effort. In addition to that, the intervening time also saw Hezbollah, a terrorist organization, cross international lines to go in and actively fight on the ground, in addition to which there are IRGC forces – Iranian forces – on the ground in Syria.
So the dynamics shifted on the ground between the time of the announcement and Mr. Brahimi’s efforts, and I applaud his efforts. He patiently and diligently worked to give the parties an opportunity to be able to negotiate in good faith in pursuance of the Geneva agreement, which was to have a transition government that could move to a peaceful resolution. The opposition showed up; the opposition did a better job than the regime of making its case. And the opposition consistently tried to adhere to the rules of talking about the future with respect to a transition.

The Assad regime never did. And so this represents a continuation of the stubborn clinging to power of a man who is willing to drop barrel bombs on his people, to gas them, to shell artillery on innocent civilians, to starve people in their homes, and somehow claim a right to be able to run a country. I don’t think the civilized world is going to stand for that, and so there will be a continuation of an effort to put pressure on Mr. Assad.

President Obama is continuing to support the moderate opposition. He has increased the support to the moderate opposition, as have others, with a belief that we need to get to a negotiation at some point in time. And when the parties are ready to negotiate, then a mediator will have a chance to be able to help them do so, and everyone can succeed by giving the people of Syria an opportunity to reclaim their future.

With respect to Nigeria, our people are on the ground. We are proud to be contributing to the effort in order to help find these young women. And as everybody knows, there was recent evidence demonstrating that at least a certain group of them were together and in one place at a certain period of time. We don’t know exactly when. What I can guarantee you is that we will make every effort possible in order to help free those young women, and we are there helping to do that now. I’m not going to discuss what mechanism or methodology may or may not be used in order to do so, except to say that we are committed to this effort together with, I think, decent, civilized people all around the world who think this is a barbaric, horrendous act against the conscience of people everywhere. And so the President has all options with respect to the future. We’re dealing with the government of another country. That’s always got its diplomatic requirements.

With respect to the Saudi invite, no, the United States did not have anything to do with this invitation, but we’re delighted to see our good friends, the Saudis, engaged in diplomacy that may or may not be able to add to any number of different possibilities in the region. They have a longstanding difficulty in that relationship, but it is completely in keeping with their prerogatives to be able to reach out and engage. And we encourage it, we welcome it, and we hope that it might be able to produce something with respect to one of several conflicts in which the Iranians could perhaps have an impact.

MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Paolo Valentino.

QUESTION: Thank you. I have only one question for each of you. Mr. Secretary, I’m afraid my question will be a bit out of context, but the subject has been vividly discussed in the last 24 hours in Italy and in Europe. In his recently released book, former Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner claims that in 2011, some European officials approached him asking for help in a scheme to force Silvio Berlusconi out of power, and that the answer was no.

Now, despite the fact – I quote – “that it would have been desirable to have better leadership in Europe,” as a member of the cabinet, do you have anything to say on behalf of the Administration? And as then-chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, do you have any recollection of having any hint or echo of this subject at the time?

For Minister Mogherini, Ukraine: Today, you sounded a note of cautious optimism about the possibility of launching a national dialogue based on the apparent acceptance from both Kyiv and Moscow of the OSCE roadmap. Now, how does this square with the growing violence which, even today, claimed some victims? And did you, in your talks, discuss the eventual possibility of floating the idea of a UN-sponsored interposition force in Ukraine? Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: I got the easier question. No, we didn’t discuss that option. It is not on the ground so far. As concerns the first part of the question, it is exactly because violence on the ground is not diminishing that we need to support a national dialogue effort. Tomorrow, as far as I know, the first national dialogue exercise will start in Ukraine. Obviously, it is an extremely difficult process. It is not easy. It is not to be given for granted that it works. But still, we are putting all of our political pressure on all sides, including, obviously, Russia, to be coherent – words and actions – and allow, first, violence on the ground to stop, and second, Ukrainians to talk to each other and to find their way of ruling the country as one country. We have said from the beginning territorial integrity, unity, sovereignty of Ukraine is our goal. For doing that, for achieving that, we need internal dialogue and the dialogue with all the regional actors relevant.

I’m sorry, I guess I have to repeat something in Italian for the Italian press. That’s right. If I
manage to say the same things. (Laughter.) I’ll try. (In Italian.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Io non so niente.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: I said the same. I said the same. I said the same. Exactly the same.

QUESTION: Did you read the book?

SECRETARY KERRY: No. No, I was not – I – absolutely, this is the first I’ve ever heard of it. Thank you. Grazie tanto.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: And can I --

SECRETARY KERRY: Honestly, I hadn’t – I knew nothing as Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, and I know nothing about it now. You have to ask somebody else.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Can I add just one thing that I forgot to say – two small things that I forgot to say --

SECRETARY KERRY: Oh, yes
.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: -- in those remarks? Sorry, it’s a little bit of jetlag coming in. One is the dimension that we discussed and I wanted to say publicly how much we appreciate the efforts that John has been putting and is still putting on the Middle East peace talks that are now facing a difficult time, but his efforts and his commitment to that are precious. There are all – not only us Italians, but all Europeans supporting this effort very much, and hope and think that this work is an excellent opportunity for the Middle East to finally find a way out of the conflict.

And second, we also discussed Afghanistan and to recommit ourselves, once the election phase is over and there’s a new leadership in Afghanistan, to accompany their democratic transition furthermore.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you everyone.

SECRETARY KERRY: Is that it? Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you.

Friday, May 2, 2014

PRESIDENT OBAMA, GERMAN CHANCELLOR MERKEL MAKE REMARKS AT JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

Remarks by President Obama and German Chancellor Merkel in Joint Press Conference

Rose Garden
12:07 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, good morning, everybody.  It is always a great pleasure to welcome my friend Chancellor Merkel to the White House.  Germany is one of our strongest allies, and Angela is one of my closest partners.  And with her indulgence, I want to start by making two brief comments.
First, as President, my top priority is doing everything that we can to create more jobs and opportunity for hardworking families -- for our economic strength is a source of strength in the world.  And this morning, we learned that our businesses created 273,000 new jobs last month.  All told, our businesses have now created 9.2 million new jobs over 50 consecutive months of job growth.
The grit and determination of the American people are moving us forward, but we have to keep a relentless focus on job creation and creating more opportunities for working families.  There’s plenty more that Congress should be doing, from raising the minimum wage to creating good construction jobs rebuilding America.  And I want to work with them wherever I can, but I keep acting on my own whenever I must to make sure every American who works hard has the chance to get ahead.
Second point -- I also want to say on behalf of the American people that our thoughts are with the people of Afghanistan, who have experienced an awful tragedy.  We are seeing reports of a devastating landslide, on top of recent floods.  Many people are reported missing; rescue efforts are underway.  Just as the United States has stood with the people of Afghanistan through a difficult decade, we stand ready to help our Afghan partners as they respond to this disaster.  For even as our war there comes to an end this year, our commitment to Afghanistan and its people will endure. 
Now, Angela, I’m still grateful for the hospitality that you and the German people extended to me, Michelle and our daughters last year in Berlin.  It was an honor to speak at the Brandenburg Gate.  You promised me a warm welcome and delivered an unbelievable 90-degree day in Berlin. 
This morning, our work touched on the range of issues where the United States and Germany are vital partners.  We agreed to continue the close security cooperation -- including law enforcement, cyber, and intelligence -- that keeps our citizens safe.  We reaffirmed our strong commitment to completing the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership -- T-TIP -- which is critical to supporting jobs and boosting exports in both the United States and in Europe.
We discussed energy security, including the importance of Europe diversifying its energy sources.  The United States has already approved licenses for natural gas exports, which will increase global supply and benefit partners like Europe.  And T-TIP would make it even easier to get licenses to export gas to Europe.
At our working lunch, we’ll review our negotiations with Iran and our shared determination to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.  We’ll discuss Syria, where we continue to support the moderate opposition and provide humanitarian relief to the Syrian people.  I look forward to briefing Angela on my trip to Asia, a region where both our nations can help ensure that all countries in the Asia Pacific adhere to international law and international norms.
Of course, most of our time was spent on the situation in Ukraine.  Angela, I want to thank you for being such a strong partner on this issue.  You’ve spoken out forcefully against Russia’s illegal actions in Ukraine.  And you’ve been a leader in the European Union, as well as an indispensable partner in the G7.  And your presence here today is a reminder that our nations stand united.
We are united in our determination to impose costs on Russia for its actions, including through coordinated sanctions.  We’re united in our unwavering Article 5 commitment to the security of our NATO allies, including German aircraft joining NATO patrols over the Baltics.  We’re united in our support for Ukraine, including the very important IMF program approved this week to help Ukraine stabilize and reform its economy.  And as Ukrainian forces move to restore order in eastern Ukraine, it is obvious to the world that these Russian-backed groups are not peaceful protestors.  They are heavily armed militants who are receiving significant support from Russia.  The Ukrainian government has the right and responsibility to uphold law and order within its territory, and Russia needs to use its influence over these paramilitary groups so they disarm and stop provoking violence. 
Let me say that we’re also united in our outrage over the appalling treatment of the OSCE observers who have been detained in eastern Ukraine.  Pro-Russian militants are still holding seven observers, including four Germans, as well as their Ukrainian escorts.  They’ve been paraded in front of the media and forced to make statements at the barrel of a gun.  It is disgraceful and it’s inexcusable.  Russia needs to work to secure their immediate release, and the international community is not going to be satisfied until Colonel Schneider and his fellow captives come home.
Finally, as both Angela and I have repeatedly said, we want to see a diplomatic resolution to the situation in Ukraine.  But we’ve also been clear that if the Russian leadership does not change course, it will face increasing costs as well as growing isolation -- diplomatic and economic.  Already, the ruble has fallen to near all-time lows, Russian stocks this year have dropped sharply, and Russia has slipped into recession.  Investors are fleeing, and it’s estimated that $100 billion in investment will exit Russia this year.  Russian companies are finding it harder to access the capital they need, and Russia’s credit rating has been downgraded to just above “junk” status.  In short, Russia’s actions in Ukraine are making an already weak Russian economy even weaker.
Moreover, if Russia continues on its current course, we have a range of tools at our disposal, including sanctions that would target certain sectors of the Russian economy.  And we’ve been consulting closely with our European and G7 partners, and we’re stepping up our planning.  Angela and I continued these consultations today.  The Russian leadership must know that if it continues to destabilize eastern Ukraine and disrupt this month’s presidential election, we will move quickly on additional steps, including further sanctions that will impose greater costs.  But that is a choice facing the Russian leadership. 
Our preference is a diplomatic resolution to this issue.  And the Ukrainian government has already shown itself more than willing to work through some of the issues that would ensure that the rights of all Ukrainians are respected, that you have a representative government.  They’ve shown themselves willing to discuss amendments to their constitution that devolve power to a local level.  They have gone through with their commitment to potentially provide amnesty for those who lay down arms and who are willing to abandon the buildings that they’ve occupied.  The Ukrainian government in Kyiv has followed through on the commitments that it made in Geneva.  We need Russians to do the same.   
So, Angela, I want to thank you again for being here and, as always, for your friendship and partnership.  These are challenging times.  Russia’s actions in Ukraine pose a direct challenge to the goal that brought Europe and the United States together for decades -- and that is a Europe that is whole, free and at peace.  Just as our predecessors stood united in pursuit of that vision, so will we. 
Chancellor Merkel.  
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  Well, thank you very much, Barack, for this gracious hospitality and this very warm welcome that you accorded to me.  And I’m very glad to be able to be back in Washington to have an opportunity to address all of these different issues with you. 
I think priority really is on the current issue of Ukraine and that looms very large on our agenda.  It showed how important the transatlantic partnership is also in today’s times.  And I think it’s a very good thing that all of those steps that we’ve taken so far, we’ve taken together.  And today, in our talk, we yet again underlined that we fully intend to go ahead as we did in the past.  What happened on Ukraine, what happened on the Crimean Peninsula?  Well, the post-war order has been put into question that rests on the acceptance of territorial integrity by all, and this is why it was so important for us to react in concord.
And what is at stake here is that people in Ukraine can act on the basis of self-determination and can determine themselves which road they wish to embark on into the future.  The 25th of May is a very crucial date in order to ensure that, and we will see to it that elections can take place.  The OSCE will play a central role in all of this.  We talked about this.  And together with the OSCE, we shall do everything we can in order to bring Russia -- that is, after all, a member of the OSCE -- to do the necessary steps so as the 25th of May bringing about some progress in stabilizing Ukraine. 
   
The 25th of May is not all that far away.  Should that not be possible to stabilize the situation, further sanctions will be unavoidable.  This is something that we don’t want.  We have made a diplomatic offer, an offer for a diplomatic solution.  So it’s very much up to the Russians which road we will embark on, but we are firmly resolved to continue to travel down that road.
Now, secondly, we addressed issues that have a bearing on the work of the intelligence services here.  Let me underline yet again for the German side -- we have always enjoyed a very close cooperation with our American partner on this front.  And anyone in political responsibility is more than aware, looking at the challenges of the modern world today, that obviously in fighting terrorism, the work of the intelligence services is not only important, it is indeed indispensable. 
I am firmly convinced that our cooperation in this area is a very helpful one, yet there are differences of opinion on what sort of balance to strike between the intensity of surveillance, of trying to protect the citizens against threats, and on the other hand, protecting individual privacy and individual freedom, and rights of personality.  And that will require further discussion between our two countries in order to overcome these differences of opinion. 
We have these discussions incidentally also on the European front.  We are talking about Safe Harbor agreement, for example, about a privacy protection agreement.  And I take back the message home that the U.S. is ready to do that, is ready to discuss this, although we may have differences of opinion on certain issues.
Thirdly, T-TIP, I think particularly in the overall context of further intensifying our trade relations, of global growth, but also in the context of diversification of our energy supply -- this is a very important issue.  It will be very important for us to bring the negotiations very quickly to a close on T-TIP.  We are firmly convinced that for the European Union, for Germany and for the United States, this offers a lot of opportunities for the future.  And it’s so important for us to bring this agreement to a successful conclusion.  There are a number of discussions, I know; a number of skeptical remarks.  People have doubts.  But these doubts, this skepticism can be overcome and it needs to be overcome.  Just look at the many partners all over the world that have bilateral trade agreements.  I mean, it’s simply necessary.  Looking at the intensity of a transatlantic partnership and the closeness of our partnership, for us to have this agreement, this transatlantic trade agreement, and we are fully at one on this one.
So we had very intensive talks and we are going to build on this over lunch.  Thank you very much, Barack, for giving me this opportunity and also thank you for your gracious hospitality.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I think we’re going to take two questions from the U.S. press and two questions from the German press.  We’ll start with Lesley Clark.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  With violence today in Ukraine, you’ve said today that Germany and the United States are united in efforts to deescalate.  But have you been able to reach any common ground with the Chancellor on sectoral sanctions, particularly the energy -- the Russian energy section -- sector?  What’s next if you’re unable to? 
And to Chancellor Merkel, reports in the U.S. press have suggested that you’ve said that you believed President Putin may not be in touch with reality.  Is that what you’ve said, is that what you believe?  And could you give us -- you talked to him earlier this week -- could you give us a little more insight into what he might be thinking?  And do you believe that he is a threat to Europe?  Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously, every day we’re watching the events in eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine with deep concern.  And I think that what you’ve seen over the course of the last several months in the midst of this crisis is remarkable unity between the United States and the European Union in the response. 
We have at the same time offered a diplomatic approach that could resolve this issue.  We have been unified in supporting the Ukrainian government in Kyiv -- both economically, diplomatically, and politically.  And we have said that we would apply costs and consequences to the Russians if they continued with their actions.  And that’s exactly what we’ve done.  And you saw just over the course of the last week additional sanctions applied both by the Europeans and the U.S.
The next step is going to be a broader-based sectoral sanctions regime.  And what we have said is, is that we want to continue to keep open the possibility of resolving the issue diplomatically.  But as Angela Merkel said, if, in fact, we see the disruptions and the destabilization continuing so severely that it impedes elections on May 25th, we will not have a choice but to move forward with additional, more severe sanctions.  And the consultations have been taking place over the course of the last several weeks about what exactly those would look like, and would apply to a range of sectors.  The goal is not to punish Russia; the goal is to give them an incentive to choose the better course, and that is to resolve these issues diplomatically.  And I think we are united on that front. 
Within Europe, within the EU, I'm sure there has to be extensive consultations.  You’ve got 28 countries and some are more vulnerable than others to potential Russian retaliation, and we have to take those into account.  Not every country is going to be in exactly the same place.  But what has been remarkable is the degree to which all countries agree that Russia has violated international law, violated territorial integrity and sovereignty of a country in Europe.  And I think there’s unanimity that there has to be consequences for that. 
How we structure these sectoral sanctions the experts have been working on, and we anticipate that if we have to use them, we can.  Our preference would be not to have to use them.  And I thank Chancellor Merkel’s leadership on this front.  She has been extraordinarily helpful not only in facilitating European unity, but she’s also been very important in helping to shape a possible diplomatic resolution and reaching out to the Russians to encourage them to take that door while it's still open.
Q    Do you feel confident you have German support on sectoral sanctions, particularly the energy sector?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  You’ve got to keep in mind that when it comes to sectoral sanctions we're looking at a whole range of issues.  Energy flows from Russia to Europe -- those continued even in the midst of the Cold War, at the height of the Cold War.  So the idea that you're going to turn off the tap on all Russian oil or natural gas exports I think is unrealistic.  But there are a range of approaches that can be taken not only in the energy sector, but in the arms sector, the finance sector, in terms of lines of credit for trade -- all that have a significant impact on Russia.
I don't think it's appropriate for us to delve into the details at this stage because our hope is that we don't have to deploy them.  But what I can say is, is that our experts at the highest level, and not just bilaterally, but multilaterally through the European Commission and our diplomatic teams, have been working through all the possibilities, and we're confident that we will have a package that will further impact Russia’s growth and economy.  But again, our hope is that we shouldn’t have to use them.  We're not interested in punishing the Russian people.  We do think that Mr. Putin and his leadership circle are taking bad decisions and unnecessary decisions and he needs to be dissuaded from his current course.
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  It is, I think, obvious to all that there are very different assessments on what happens in Ukraine.  On the one hand, you have the United States and Europe -- we've always taken our decisions together -- and on the other hand, the Russian appreciation and appraisal of the situation.  I hope that Russia will live up better in the future to its responsibilities.  But we need to see deeds matching up their words. 
We don't have any release of the hostages of the OSCE, among them also four German hostages.  This is a very crucial step that needs to happen first.  We have not yet seen any implementation of the Geneva agreement by the Russian side.  The Ukrainian side has taken some steps in the right direction.  And the OSCE, too, is an organization to which we wish to accord a greater role so that they can prepare and pave the way for elections. 
And one word on sanctions.  I agree with the American President; they are not an end in itself, but combined with the offer that we want diplomatic solutions, it is a very necessary second component to show that we're serious -- we're serious about our principles.  And there is a broad base, a broad range of possibilities that are being prepared for in the European Union.  In Europe, we have taken a decision that should further destabilization happen, we will move to a third stage of sanctions. 
I would like to underline this is not necessarily what we want, but we are ready and prepared to go to such a step.  My main aim would be, first and foremost, to improve stabilization and to see to it that the elections can happen there.  We will work on this in the next few days, but we are also prepared to take further steps. 
What we are talking about here will be sectoral measures in the context of certain branches of industry.  The American President and I can only agree to this and said what is necessary as regards the dependency on gas, which is very strong in Europe, but we can also look ahead in the medium term what we can do in order to promote an energy union in the European Union, which we’re doing.  Looking at our dependencies in the next 10 to 15 years on Russian gas supplies, there are six countries right now in the EU that depend 100 percent on gas supplies.  We need to improve the reverse flow, as we call it.  We need to improve our grade of pipelines.  All of the countries need to share supplies.  And those are measures that we’re currently discussing in Europe.
We’re talking about short-term but also medium-term and long-term measures.  And then the free trade agreement, T-TIP, is also gaining more prominence in this respect.
Q    (As interpreted.)  Madam Chancellor, you said that time is of the essence and that it’s getting shorter, leading up to the 25th.  When would be the time when you would say a third phase -- moving to a third phase of sanctions is what you would promote?  And is a more energy-intensive initiative by the EU necessary, for example, on heads of state and government level?
And, President, can you understand the fact that also Mr. Putin needs to play a role in the solution, which is the position of the European Union, that also his arguments have to be weighed?  And after the Chancellor having made those several phone calls with Mr. Putin, do you think that the Chancellor also stands a chance to sort of work on this?
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  Well, to answer the question, what about the next few days to come -- I think the meeting of foreign ministers of the EU on the 12th of May is going to play a very important role.  In this respect, one can sound out the possibilities there are in various directions.  We, from the German side, as we have agreed with our American friends, will do everything we can in order bring the OSCE into a situation, supported politically that is, to do what is necessary in order to bring matters forward in Ukraine. 
On the one hand, you have OSCE monitors for the elections, but also questions as regards a change of the constitution; reform towards further devolution or decentralization.  All of the different parts of the country obviously have to be at the same level as regards information on this, and the OSCE wants to do that.  We want to give them the necessary political backing.
When a certain point in time is there, it’s very difficult to predict.  I can only say that, for me, the elections on the 25th of May are crucial.  And should there be further attempts at destabilization, this will be getting more and more difficult.  But for now, I am working for elections to take place on that very date, and the heads of state and government are ready at any time should they be proved necessary to meet.
We’ve approved that over the past in other areas -- for example, the euro crisis.  And we will demonstrate this resolve yet again.  I am firmly convinced that the United States of America and the European Union need to act in concert here, and they have done so in the past and they are going to continue to do so.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I’ve said from the start that Russia has legitimate interests in terms of what happens next door in Ukraine.  Obviously there is a deep and complicated history between Russia and Ukraine, and so, of course, Mr. Putin’s views should be taken into account.  What can’t be taken into account is Mr. Putin’s suggestion, both through words and actions, that he has the right to violate the sovereignty of another country, to violate its territorial integrity, to dictate the economic policies or foreign policy of a sovereign country.  That’s not acceptable. 
Our view from the start has been that the Ukrainians should be able to make their own decisions.  And I’m very confident that if the Ukrainians are allowed to make their own decisions, then they will choose to have a good relationship with Russia as well as a good relationship with Europe; that they’ll want to trade with Russia and they’ll want to trade with Europe.  But what they cannot accept, understandably, is the notion that they are simply an appendage, an extension of Russia, and that the Kremlin has veto power over decisions made by a duly elected government in Kyiv. 
So if, in fact, Mr. Putin’s goal is to allow Ukrainians to make their own decisions, then he is free to offer up his opinions about what he would like the relationship to be between Ukraine and Russia.  And I suspect that there will be a whole lot of Ukrainian leaders who will take those views into consideration.  But it can’t be done at the barrel of a gun.  It can’t be done by sending masked gunmen to occupy buildings or to intimidate journalists. 
And one of the biggest concerns that we’ve seen is the Russian propaganda that has been blasted out nonstop suggesting somehow that the Ukrainian government is responsible for the problems in eastern Ukraine.  The Ukrainian government has shown remarkable restraint throughout this process.  The notion that this is some spontaneous uprising in eastern Ukraine is belied by all the evidence of well-organized, trained, armed militias with the capacity to shoot down helicopters.  Generally, local protestors don’t possess that capacity of surface-to-air missiles or whatever weapons were used to shoot down helicopters, tragically.
We’ve seen the attempts of OSCE monitors -- who were approved not just by Europe or the United States, but also by Russia -- being detained.  And somehow Russia is suggesting that Kyiv is responsible for that?  We’ve heard Mr. Putin say, well, Kyiv has to do a better job of reaching out to Eastern Europe -- or eastern Ukraine.  You’ve seen attempts by Kyiv in a very serious way to propose decentralization of power and to provide for local elections, and for them to offer amnesty to those who have already taken over these buildings.  None of that has been acknowledged by Mr. Putin or the various Russian mouthpieces that are out there. 
You’ve also seen suggestions or implications that somehow Americans are responsible for meddling inside Ukraine.  I have to say that our only interest is for Ukraine to be able to make its own decisions.  And the last thing we want is disorder and chaos in the center of Europe. 
So for the German audience who perhaps is tuning into Russian TV, I would just advise to stay focused on the facts and what’s happened on the ground.  A few weeks ago, Mr. Putin was still denying that the Russian military was even involved in Crimea.  Then, a few weeks later, he acknowledged, yeah, I guess that was our guys.  And so there just has not been the kind of honesty and credibility about the situation there, and a willingness to engage seriously in resolving these diplomatic issues. 
And our hope is, is that, in fact, Mr. Putin recognizes there’s a way for him to have good relations with Ukraine, good relations with Europe, good relations with the United States.  But it cannot be done through the kinds of intimidation and coercion that we’re seeing take place right now in eastern Europe [Ukraine].
Tangi.
Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Earlier this week, an inmate died in Oklahoma in what critics have called an inhumane manner because of a seemingly botched execution.  Human rights groups put the United States in the devious company of China, Iran and Saudi Arabia when it comes to the prevalence of executions.  Some European countries have expressed their concerns as well.  What are your thoughts on this?  And does this raise moral questions about U.S. justice and global reputation?
And to Chancellor Merkel, after Edward Snowden’s revelations on U.S. surveillance of your own cell phone, you said that friends shouldn’t spy on friends.  Are you satisfied that the steps taken by the U.S. on NSA surveillance are now consistent with a healthy alliance?  Has the personal trust been rebuilt?  And I was wondering if you could elaborate a little bit on this no-spy agreement that apparently couldn’t be reached.  Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  What happened in Oklahoma is deeply troubling.  The individual who was subject to the death penalty had committed heinous crimes, terrible crimes.  And I’ve said in the past that there are certain circumstances in which a crime is so terrible that the application of the death penalty may be appropriate -- mass killings, the killings of children.  But I’ve also said that in the application of the death penalty in this country, we have seen significant problems -- racial bias, uneven application of the death penalty, situations in which there were individuals on death row who later on were discovered to have been innocent because of exculpatory evidence.  And all these I think do raise significant questions about how the death penalty is being applied.  And this situation in Oklahoma I think just highlights some of the significant problems there. 
So I’ll be discussing with Eric Holder and others to get me an analysis of what steps have been taken not just in this particular instance but more broadly in this area.  I think we do have to, as a society, ask ourselves some difficult and profound questions around these issues.
If you don’t mind, I’m going to also go ahead and maybe say something about NSA just because I know it’s of great interest in the German press as well.  Germany is one of our closest allies and our closest friends, and that’s true across the spectrum of issues -- security, intelligence, economic, diplomatic.  And Angela Merkel is one of my closest friends on the world stage, and somebody whose partnership I deeply value.  And so it has pained me to see the degree to which the Snowden disclosures have created strains in the relationship.
But more broadly, I’ve also been convinced for a very long time that it is important for our legal structures and our policy structures to catch up with rapidly advancing technologies.  And as a consequence, through a series of steps, what we’ve tried to do is reform what we do and have taken these issues very seriously.  Domestically, we’ve tried to provide additional assurances to the American people that their privacy is protected.  But what I’ve also done is taken the unprecedented step of ordering our intelligence communities to take the privacy interests of non-U.S. persons into account in everything that they do -- something that has not been done before and most other countries in the world do not do.  What I’ve said is, is that the privacy interests of non-U.S. citizens are deeply relevant and have to be taken into account, and we have to have policies and procedures to protect them, not just U.S. persons.  And we are in the process of implementing a whole series of those steps. 
We have shared with the Germans the things that we are doing.  I will repeat what I’ve said before -- that ordinary Germans are not subject to continual surveillance, are not subject to a whole range of bulk data gathering.  I know that the perceptions I think among the public sometimes are that the United States has capacities similar to what you see on movies and in television.  The truth of the matter is, is that our focus is principally and primarily on how do we make sure that terrorists, those who want to proliferate weapons, transnational criminals are not able to engage in the activities that they’re engaging in.  And in that, we can only be successful if we’re partnering with friends like Germany.  We won’t succeed if we’re doing that on our own. 
So what I’ve pledged to Chancellor Merkel has been in addition to the reforms that we’ve already taken, in addition to saying that we are going to apply privacy standards to how we deal with non-U.S. persons as well as U.S. persons, in addition to the work that we’re doing to constrain the potential use of bulk data, we are committed to a U.S.-German cyber dialogue to close further the gaps that may exist in terms of how we operate, how German intelligence operates, to make sure that there is transparency and clarity about what we’re doing and what our goals and our intentions are. 
These are complicated issues and we’re not perfectly aligned yet, but we share the same values and we share the same concerns.  And this is something that is deeply important to me and I’m absolutely committed that by the time I leave this office, we’re going to have a stronger legal footing and international framework for how we are doing business in the intelligence sphere. 
I will say, though, that I don’t think that there is an inevitable contradiction between our security and safety and our privacy.  And the one thing that I’ve tried to share with Chancellor Merkel is that the United States historically has been concerned about privacy.  It’s embedded in our Constitution, and as the world’s oldest continuous constitutional democracy, I think we know a little bit about trying to protect people’s privacy. 
And we have a technology that is moving rapidly and we have a very challenging world that we have to deal with, and we’ve got to adjust our legal frameworks.  But she should not doubt, and the German people should not doubt, how seriously we take these issues.  And I believe that we’re going to be able to get them resolved to the satisfaction not just of our two countries but of people around the world. 
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  Under the present conditions, we have, after all, possibilities as regards differences of opinion to overcome those differences in the medium term and in the long term.  One possibility is to enter into such a cyber dialogue, which is very important because that gives us a forum to have somewhat longer discussions as to where we stand individually, what the technical possibilities but also ramifications of technological advances are.
Secondly, there are two strands of negotiations with the European Union -- on the one hand, the Safe Harbor agreement and then the data protection -- privacy protection accord.  And in the course of the negotiations, it will come out very clearly what differences of opinion there are, what different perspectives there are.  And I think it’s of prime importance for us to bring these negotiations forward, the process, but also bring it to a successful conclusion. 
And something else comes into play.  I heard this, this morning when I had a breakfast meeting with people who are very closely in contact with the parliaments.  They suggested to me that our parliaments, too, ought to have closer contacts on this.  And that’s very important not only for the governments to talk about these things, but also for the broader public.  And these could be three possibilities as to how to address this further and also understand each other’s motivations and arguments better.
 
Q    Mr. President, could you explain to us from your point of view why it’s not possible to agree on a no-spy agreement, which was, as we understood, proposed by the U.S. government last summit?  What kind of assurances could you give Chancellor Merkel with regard not only to ordinary German citizens, but to government members -- some of them sitting here -- that they are not under U.S. surveillance anymore?
(As interpreted.)  And, Chancellor, the question addressed to you -- when the French President was here a couple of weeks ago, after his talk with President Obama, he said that trust as regards to the NSA discussion has been rebuilt.  Can you say the same thing?
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  It’s not quite accurate to say that the U.S. government offered a no-spy agreement and then withdrew it.  I think that what is accurate to say is, is that we do not have a blanket no-spy agreement with any country, with any of our closest partners.  What we do have are a series of partnerships and procedures and processes that are built up between the various intelligence agencies. 
And what we are doing with the Germans -- as we’re doing with the French, as we do with the British, or the Canadians, or anybody -- is to work through what exactly the rules are governing the relationship between each country and make sure that there are no misunderstandings.  And I think that we have gone a long way in closing some of the gaps, but as Chancellor Merkel said, there are still some gaps that need to be worked through.
But I think what we can be confident about is that the basic approach that we take with Germany is similar to the approach that we take with all our allies and all our friends, and that during the course of the last several years as technology advanced, I think there was a danger in which traditional expectations tipped over because of new technologies.  And what we’ve tried to do is make sure that our policies now reflect increased capabilities and, as a consequence, increased dangers of intrusions in privacy. 
But let me put it this way:  Our interest in working effectively with the Germans and to making sure that German governments as well as the German people feel confident about what we do is as important to us as any other country.  Germany is at the top of our list in terms of friends and allies and colleagues, and so we’re not holding back from doing something with Germany that we somehow do with somebody else.
CHANCELLOR MERKEL:  (As interpreted.)  I think the whole debate has shown that the situation is such that we have a few difficulties yet to overcome.  So this is why there’s going to be this cyber dialogue between our two countries, and this is also why there needs to be and will have to be more than just business as usual.  I mean, looking at the discussion not only in the German parliament but also among members of the German government and also in the German public, we need to do that. 
But it’s very good that we have taken these first steps, and what’s still dividing us -- issues, for example, of proportionality and the like -- will be addressed.  We will work on this, and it’s going to be on the agenda for the next few weeks to come.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much, everybody.
END   
12:50 P.M. EDT

Friday, April 25, 2014

READOUT: PRESIDENT OBAMA'S CALL WITH GERMAN, ITALIAN, FRENCH AND BRITISH LEADERS

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 
Readout of the President’s Call with President Hollande, Chancellor Merkel, Prime Minister Renzi, and Prime Minister Cameron

Today the President spoke with President Hollande of France, Chancellor Merkel of Germany, Prime Minister Renzi of Italy, and Prime Minister Cameron of the UK to consult about the alarming situation in eastern Ukraine.  The leaders noted the positive steps that Ukraine had taken to move forward on the actions to which it committed in the April 17 joint statement by Ukraine, Russia, the European Union, and the United States – including proposing an amnesty law for those who will peacefully leave the buildings they have seized in eastern Ukraine, supporting the work of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and committing themselves once again to a process of constitutional reform and decentralization.  The leaders also agreed that Russia had not reciprocated – including by not publicly supporting the Geneva accord, nor calling on armed militant groups to lay down their arms and leave the government buildings they’ve occupied – and had in fact continued to escalate the situation through its increasingly concerning rhetoric and threatening military exercises on Ukraine’s border.

The President noted that the United States is prepared to impose targeted sanctions to respond to Russia's latest actions. The leaders agreed to work closely together, and through the G7 and European Union, to coordinate additional steps to impose costs on Russia. The leaders underscored that Russia could still choose a peaceful resolution to the crisis, including by implementing the Geneva accord.

Thursday, April 3, 2014

PRESS AVAILABILITY: SECRETARY KERRY AND ALGERIAN FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Joint Press Availability With Algerian Foreign Minister Ramtane Lamamra

Press Availability
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Algiers, Algeria
April 3, 2014


QUESTION: (Via interpreter, in progress) – makes a lot (inaudible) in the field of counterterrorism. However, we have two unshakable principles. The first one is noninterference in the states first, and the second one is the nonintervention of our army outside our territories. So how could we serve stability in this context and as part of these two principles?

SECRETARY KERRY: Merci. We have great respect for Algeria’s principle of noninterference. At the same time, terrorism doesn’t know any borders. Terrorism moves indiscriminately across borders without regard to international lines or rules of law. And there is only one way to respond between states who are joined together in the principle of fighting against terrorism, and that one way is cooperation.

We have to cooperate. I think Algeria completely understands that and is dedicated and committed to it. Algeria has been a very strong partner bilaterally and multilaterally in countering terrorist threats and in building a regional and international capacity to be able to do that. And Algeria’s one of the original key founders of the Global Counterterrorism Forum. It’s co-chair of the Sahel Region Capacity Working Group. And we really applaud the leadership of Algeria.
What we’re here to talk about today and what we have talked about is: How do we cooperate even further? How do we take this cooperation to be able to be more effective in providing the kind of stability that your question just asked about? So the United States, the UN, the G7 endorse the practices that are now known as the Algiers Memorandum. And we have, I think, very strong exchanges today with Algerian security services, law enforcement, their justice sectors, covering a wide range of questions.

Algeria is also a member of the Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership, which is our primary vehicle – the United States State Department’s primary vehicle to support long-term capabilities of the countries in the West and North Africa to face the AQIM threat. So we’re building that capacity and I believe that Algeria’s noninterference principle that you asked about does not stand in the way at all of our capacity to build additional cooperative initiatives, and particularly to build a full-fledged security cooperative relationship, which is what we came here to talk about today. We’ve made progress on that and we’re very pleased with it.

FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA: (Via interpreter) Thank you, John. As far as these complex issues are concerned, I can simply add to what the Secretary of State has just said. The issues of international terrorism at the level of doctrine and policies, the objective and principles of international cooperation are clear-cut on behalf of the protection of human life and dignity. At the operational level, it is necessary for efficiency purposes not to go into the details as far as international cooperation is concerned.

However, I would like to mention that the – for the countries of the region, can – we are available to support all the neighboring countries in terms of information, the exchange of experiences, equipment, and (inaudible), a stakeholder as totally involved in the field of counterterrorism. We have made huge sacrifices in fighting against terrorism, as you know.

MODERATOR: Another question? Scott from – our guest, the American side, from our – according --

MS. PSAKI: Scott Stearns from VOA.

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, on the Middle East, you spoke today – here today and in Brussels about the limits of being a facilitator and about bringing the horse to water, saying today that the leaders need to know that now is the time to drink. Have you had any indication from Prime Minister Netanyahu or President Abbas that they are ready to drink?

And Mr. Minister, could you tell us specifically: What is it that you would like to see from the United States to help with security assistance, especially along the border with Mali? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Scott, let me say that I have been in direct touch this morning with our team on the ground in Israel, and they worked literally until 4:00 in the morning in direct discussions between Israelis and Palestinians, with the United States present, in an effort to try to move the process forward. I think it is a critical moment, obviously. The dialogue remains open. There was progress made in narrowing some of the questions that have arisen as a result of the events of the last few days, but there’s still a gap, and that gap will have to be closed and closed fairly soon.

So I will be in touch this afternoon with both leaders, but again, it’s really their decision that has to be made. They understand what the choices are. They understand what the stakes are. And they understand each of them, their own limits and dynamics. So we are urging them to find the compromise that is critical to being able to move forward.

One of the important things I want to say about this moment: The fight right now, the disagreement between them, is not over the fundamental substance of a final status agreement. It’s over the process that would get you there and what you need to do in order to be able to continue to negotiate. It would be a tragedy for both of them, we would say, for them to lose the opportunity to get to those real issues that are the differences of a final status agreement.

A fight over process, how to get into a negotiation, should not stop you from getting into that negotiation. And so I hope that they will consider that very, very carefully. President Obama believes very strongly that the role of the United States to help the parties come together is a critical role. He is committed to his efforts and my efforts on behalf of him and the United States to play this role without any fear, because we believe that it’s the right thing to do. President Obama believes that it is important for the United States to try to help the parties make peace.
But as he himself would agree, in the end, the leaders have to make the decisions to do so. We will continue to do everything in our power to try to bring them together, to find a place of reasonableness, to encourage them to compromise, show ways in which they might do so. But in the end, they are the ones who have to say yes, and that’s where we are.

FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA: If I may, John, just to make a short comment on the Middle East, I think a week or so ago, we were having our Arab summit in Kuwait. And the ministers of foreign affairs of the group had a chance to be briefed by President Mahmoud Abbas about the status quo of the diplomatic effort at that time. What I want to say is that at that time, the president referred to the fact that he had some 38 interactions with you, John, and he described that as really a clear demonstration of the commitment by the Secretary of State and President Obama to achieve lasting peace for the region and justice for the Palestinian people.

So the whole group were very appreciative of this effort, and we were hoping that it would reach fruition and it will indeed have the desired outcome that we are all hoping for and praying for. President Mahmoud Abbas requested a meeting of the ministers of foreign affairs of the Arab world to be held on the 9th of April in Cairo. We intend to go and we’ll definitely listen to President Mahmoud Abbas about the nitty-gritty of these discussions, and I’m sure that because it is our longstanding position to favor peace, stability, security, global peace, I believe that the Arab world will again express appreciation and support to your efforts, Mr. Secretary.

SECRETARY KERRY: And I --

FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA: It’s not --

SECRETARY KERRY: I’m sorry, I thought you were finished. I didn’t mean to --

FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA: No, I thought I would go to the Arab question, but please --

SECRETARY KERRY: No, no, please.

FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA: Please, go, go.

No, regarding what is expected on the part of USA as far as the fight against terrorism in the Sahel region is concerned, I believe that today, the time has come for us to consolidate the achievements of the war against terrorism in northern Mali. I believe that we need to help in the rebuilding state institutions, law enforcement agencies, the national armed forces of Mali, and also in encouraging the regional efforts aiming at putting together regional security arrangements under the African Union initiative.

Eleven countries in the region have launched what we call the Nouakchott Process in order to help to assist each other in monitoring borders, in sharing intelligence, and this is a good occasion for the region to show by itself that indeed, we can do our best to fight and defeat terrorism in the Sahel region with clearly the required assistance on the part of the international community. If we were to ask specifically about what the U.S. can do, because nobody else could do it, it’s, for instance, sharing electronic intelligence with the armed forces and security agencies in the region. One example, but this is a qualitative edge that only the U.S. can provide. Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you for that comment, Ramtane. Let me – just a quick addendum to that. I just want to – maybe I don’t have to say this, but I’ll just say it. If this was an easy thing to do, it would have happened a long time ago. It’s difficult because it is a very difficult conflict with deep-rooted historical levels of mistrust and huge narrative issues on both sides that are deeply emotional and go to the core of both people’s identity and aspirations.
It’s as tough as it gets. And the one thing that stands out to me is this: If it’s tough today, I have not met anybody anywhere who believes it’s going to get easier next week or next year or in the future. And that’s why I think this is so important. Both sides – neither side can achieve what it wants staying away from the negotiating table. There’s only one way to resolve that, and that’s through negotiation. And so my hope, along with the foreign ministers and everybody, I think, in the world, is that the parties will not lose an opportunity to negotiate.

FOREIGN MINISTER LAMAMRA: Thank you, sir.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.

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